CONTACT For media enquiries: Esthappen S, Communications Coordinator, Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice (Whatsapp: +91 9820918910, Email: [email protected])
QUOTE SHEET Covering climate finance, adaptation, l&d, JT and other UNFCCC linked agendas with links to genocide in Palestine, wars waged by league of colonisers on global south and inequities in the climate regime and finance architecture.
Format: Name, organisation: Quote.
Meena Raman, Third World Network: The biggest disagreement at Bonn was over the failure of the Global North to address or even listen to the concerns of the Global South. Right at the start, developing countries wanted to discuss how to treat provision of finance from developed countries (Art 9.1 of the Paris Agreement) with the G77 and China wanting a discussion on the agenda but developing countries blocked even a conversation. Whenever developing countries get into the provision of means of implementation (MOI) and finance, developed countries always push back by involving the private sector and muddy the mandate by introducing mobilization. On Global Goals on Adaptation, a key agenda for the Global South, which is an effort to see whether the peoples of the world and countries will be able to adapt through developing indicators starting 2023 eg. On water, health, food, ecosystems… developing countries want to have indicators on means of implementation. But developed countries have opposed this, they want indicators on eg. Official Development Assistance (ODA) as part of adaptation that is not new and additional finance. Developed countries have also refused to talk about finance for formulation and implementation of National Adaptation Plans (NAPs). The Global South wants finance for adaptation, but the Global North takes the Do It Yourself (DIY) approach whenever it comes to implementing climate action in developing countries and their mandatory obligation to provide finance to the South. On Carbon Border Adjustment Measures (CBAM) or unilateral measures which the EU is pushing and Canada, UK are also thinking about introducing, they don’t want to make space for any meaningful discussion which allows for the ventilation of Global South concerns and understanding what impacts these policies have on climate action in the Global South. On the Technology Implementation Program (TIP), they don’t want to talk about intellectual property rights as a barrier to technology transfer and affordable access. Finally, on the UAE Dialogue (Paragraph 97 of the GST Outcome), the big fight has been about the scope. Para 97 falls under the MOI section so developing countries understand it as part of finance discussion, but the Global North is again not aligned. I say it takes two-to-tango but the Global North has left the Global South alone on the dance floor of negotiations at Bonn.
Alison Doig, Recourse: At the Bonn talks, the private sector has been making a bid to capture the little public climate finance available. We heard a lot about capital markets, green bonds, public-private blending, and multilateral development banks’ role in de-risking, but not nearly enough about the needs of climate-vulnerable communities, women, youth and nature. Ahead of COP30 in Belem, the Brazilian Presidency should re-assert that climate finance must be for grants supporting a just transition to a climate-safe world, not for lining bankers’ pockets.”
Amiera Sawas, Head of Research & Policy, Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty Initiative:
As the Northern hemisphere suffers deadly heatwaves, UN climate talks remain frozen in an out-of-touch process. War and military spending escalated outside, while inside there was no discussion—and no finance. Civil society fought to bring negotiations into the real world, but geopolitics and the fossil fuel lobby kept derailing progress. Even successes, like the draft text for the ‘Just Transition Work Programme’ informed by workers and Indigenous Peoples, were nearly paralyzed by fossil fuel interests at the end. We are already at risk of breaching the 1.5 temperature limit, there’s no time for paralysis. There’s a real risk that the UN climate talks fail to address the crisis’s biggest drivers: coal, oil, and gas. We cannot afford any more failure, we must urgently do better. And we will – whether inside or outside the UN. Brazil is talking big but its actions speak louder than words and its recent approval of new oil extraction in the Amazon is the worst possible signal.
Rachel Rose Jackson, Director of Climate Research & Policy, Corporate Accountability:
“These talks have become completely divorced from the reality of the climate crisis. While trillions of dollars are being poured into nuclear war by the very same governments that are responsible for climate change—and while the very same corporations that knowingly fueled the climate crisis are getting even richer off of these wars—not a penny is offered to the countries and communities already facing life or death from the climate crisis. While countries around the world cave to authoritarianism and the far right, these talks pander to this agenda, rather than resist it. Bonn should have filled in the potholes on the rocky road to Belém. Instead, the road to Belém is now paved with landmines, and the work ahead of us is harder than it has ever been. “The signposts on the road to COP30 are clearly marked. End the ability of Big Polluters to write the rules of climate action. Global North governments must do their fair share of climate action and pay their climate debt. End fossil fuels justly and urgently. Reject dangerous distractions and fast-track to Real Zero. Center those on the frontlines—Indigenous Peoples, communities of color, those in the Global South—not Big Polluters. Will world governments course correct immediately, or will they push us off a cliff?”
Romain Ioualalen, Global Policy lead at Oil Change International: Bonn saw the Global North further retreat from its responsibilities to provide public finance for climate action, instead promoting fabricated narratives on private finance filling the gap – despite evidence the market-led approach is not delivering. On top of blocking finance, rich countries failed their homework on fossil fuels with four Global North countries responsible for 70% of projected oil and gas expansion, which made calls from developed parties to center the fossil fuel phaseout in the negotiations continue to ring hollow and hypocritical. However, an outcome on just transition in Belém is within reach and could provide momentum for centering justice in the transition.
With the US absent at 62nd session of the UNFCCC’s Subsidiary Bodies (SBs) in Bonn, the EU has now become the biggest blocker of climate justice before COP30 in Belem. Not only have we seen officials from Brussels block an agenda item to discuss their failure to deliver on their commitments for climate finance, but NATO countries have just today approved to spend 5% of their GDP on weapons for war.
It takes two-to-tangobut the European Union (EU), Umbrella Group and Environmental Integrity Group (EIG) have left the Global South hanging on the dancefloor of negotiations. By blocking critical proposals from the developing countries and refusing to honor the fundamental commitments under the United Nations Convention for Climate Change (UNFCCC) and its Paris Agreement, the developed countries are jeopardising the world’s chances of dealing with the looming climate collapse. Not crises, not catastrophe⸺a collapse.
Instead of rising to the moment, developed countries are blocking advancements on the Just Transition Work Programme and peddling dangerous distractions— carbon markets, offsets, techno fixes, and other false solutions— that serve polluters, not people.
Join the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice (DCJ) and its members in a press conference on the ‘Outcomes from Bonn’ calling out the blockers of a safe future for the world.
First published in Africa News Analysis in English and German.
Just as the German government agrees to spending billions of Euros primarily for military spending and domestic infrastructure, it is blocking any meaningful discussions on the provision of climate finance at mid-year climate negotiations currently underway in Bonn. Instead of using its diplomatic influence to lobby for a progressive position within the EU (the negotiation bloc within which Germany is a key driving force), Germany has not shown any discernible willingness to improve the catastrophic outcome on climate finance from COP29 in Azerbaijan last year. It would appear that when money is needed for military spending and fossil fuel subsidies, then money can readily be found. However, when money is needed to fulfil obligations under international law, then money is few and far between.
This year’s negotiations in Bonn are essential to lay the foundations for a successful COP30 in Brazil later this year. A letter by the Brazilian COP presidency circulated a few weeks before the climate talks in Bonn emphasized the importance for officials to prevent “procrastination and postponement of decisions” in order to be best prepared heading in to the negotiations in Brazil. However, the talks in Bonn were fractious from the beginning, as the EU blocked a proposal by the G77 + China (a negotiating bloc representing 134 developing countries in the Global South, accounting for around 80% of the world’s population) to include climate finance from industrialized nations to developing countries on the negotiation agenda. This could have enabled a discussion on which countries specifically would provide climate finance, an aspect which was severely watered down at last year’s COP29 in Baku. While a compromise was eventually found in Bonn to add the proposal as a footnote, essentially kicking the can down the road, it caused a significant two-day delay for negotiations to begin.
The Paris Agreement (celebrating its 10-year anniversary) stipulates that industrialized countries must provide finance to developing countries for responding to climate change. In times when many countries are straddled by an ever-increasing debt burden, most do not have the financial resources to invest in transitioning away from fossil fuels. In addition, developing countries also need financial support for adapting and rebuilding after extreme weather events such as floods, heatwaves, or droughts, which are increasing in frequency and intensity with every degree of warming. Countries such as Germany are therefore committed under international law to provide finance to affected countries. This is not a matter of charity or even benevolence, as it is so often portrayed — it is a moral obligation, rooted in the reality that the countries which achieved economic growth through the heavy use of fossil fuels now bear a responsibility to support those who are suffering the consequences.
For decades, Germany’s robust economic growth and commitment to upholding international law through diplomacy have contributed to its positive reputation on the global stage. In recent years however, Germany has alienated countries from the Global South by flagrantly disregarding the core principles of international law by supportingwar crimes and genocide committed against Palestinians, and preventing substantial progress on climate finance. Amid geopolitical turbulence, Germany must realign its diplomatic strategy to build strong, trust-based relationships with countries and communities in the Global South, guided by a spirit of solidarity.
About the authors:
Currently Head of Programmes at the Third World Network (TWN), which is an independent non-profit international research and advocacy organisation involved in issues relating to sustainable development, environment and climate change, developing countries and North South affairs, Meena is also a practicing public interest lawyer and an expert on climate change negotiations, a former member on the Board of the Green Climate Fund.
David Samuel Williams is a scholar on Global Transformation and Environmental Change and researcher who has worked with communities particularly affected by climate change in Durban, South Africa, and Mauritius. He is particularly interested in how climate change exacerbates inequality and works at the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung.
Meena Raman and David Williams are both members of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice (DCJ)
Civil society constituencies participating in the UNFCCC climate negotiations have today shared an open letter with all Parties to the Convention, raising urgent concerns over the UNFCCC Secretariat’s arbitrary and escalating censorship of peaceful expressions of solidarity with the Palestinian people.
The letter – signed by the Women and Gender Constituency, YOUNGO, and Environmental Non-Governmental Organisations – the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice (DCJ) and Climate Action Network (CAN), calls attention to the Secretariat’s recent decision to prohibit the use of the phrase “End the Siege” during a planned action at SB62 in Bonn, despite allowing language such as “end the genocide.”
Read the letter here:
Your Excellencies,
We write to you today with grave concern and indignation.
As civil society, we have been a part of the UNFCCC for close to three decades. Our engagement has included advocating for and bringing voices of peoples and communities on the frontlines through actions and press conferences inside the UNFCCC amongst others. For the last two years in the UNFCCC sessions, COP’s and SB’s, we have faced an escalating pattern of arbitrary censorship from the UNFCCC Secretariat—specifically targeting expressions of solidarity with the Palestinian peoples.
Despite our repeated efforts to navigate and comply with an increasingly ambiguous and inconsistent set of restrictions, the Secretariat has continued to impose arbitrary limits on our collective rights. Legitimate, peaceful expressions of solidarity—statements, words, signs, and slogans that align with international human rights and international humanitarian law—have been censored or blocked.
This situation has reached a new and deeply troubling low. The UNFCCC Secretariat, in aresponse to an application for a Palestine solidarity action in the venue of SB62,communicated that they could not authorise the use of the phrase“End the Siege” in thebanners and any accompanying text. As they did not object to the other phrases we use, including “end the genocide”, their focus on the siege wording is unusual and perplexing. This further demonstrates the arbitrariness of their decision-making.
The reason provided by the UNFCCC Secretariat was their need to “maintain a neutral and constructive environment that supports open dialogue among Parties”, and authorisation must be assessed in light of the current context. We struggle to understand how a clamp down on the calling out of an ongoing and well-documented humanitarian catastrophe can be considered neutral, particularly when the UN Secretary General, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and representatives of other UN bodies have called for the same thing using the same language. In addition, a majority of states who are also Parties to the UNFCCC process have voted for a resolution in the UN General Assembly demanding an immediate and lasting ceasefire and an end to the blockade in Gaza. To silence the call to “End the Siege” is to condone it.
This is no longer a question of procedure or neutrality. It is picking a side, and in this case, a side that does not align with the UN’s own values and international humanitarian law. Civil society has decided to end our negotiations on Palestinian Solidarity actions with theSecretariat that compromises our rights to civic space and freedom of expression withinthis space. We refuse to accept a decision that directly contradicts the rights and freedoms that the UN was founded to protect. We have therefore decided to make our grievances public in the hope that all people of conscience will support basic human rights and bring it to the attention of Parties because the UNFCCC Secretariat’s attempts at silencing us is done in the name of Parties.
The climate crisis is inseparable from questions of justice and human rights. The Paris Agreement itself is emphatic that “Parties should, when taking action to address climate change, respect, promote and consider their respective obligations on human rights […]”
The Secretariat’s refusal to acknowledge an unfolding crime against humanity, together with its active suppression of calls to end the genocide and siege, and doing so in the name of Parties in the UNFCCC, has deeply shaken our confidence in this body’s ability to safeguard humanity’s future. This is a sentiment that echoes far beyond these walls, and risks making multilateralism irrelevant to humanity.
The UNFCCC Secretariat’s narrow understanding of climate, ignoring its intersections with civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights, not only is contrary to the Convention and the Paris Agreement but will lead to a failure in finding systematic and sustained solutions to the climate crisis.
We appeal to Parties to reaffirm the rights of civil society, particularly our freedom of expression in calling out a genocide and the vested interests that uphold this as well as the climate crisis.
Silence is not neutrality.
Sincerely,
Women and Gender Constituency (WGC)
Environmental Non-Governmental Organisations – Campaign to Demand Climate Justice(ENGO/DCJ)
Report on climate and events like COP but leaving out the Bonn negotiations? Journalists and climate communicators have much to gain from the June Climate Meetings: Set the narrative: Early bird gets the most traction. Bonn is a chance to introduce new narratives and issues the world will focus on. Be ahead in the game. Build relationships: Everyone is too busy during the COP. Build your key relationships for the year with experts, activists, scientists and movement leaders. Investigative pieces: Bonn is a great moment to start working on a long form piece. There are no rushed timelines, experts have time for longer interviews, and you get the time to work on an in-depth report and release it in time for COP. Not able to make it to Germany, no worries! We have set up a Media hub for you to receive updates everyday. Click on this link. For more information on any issues or in-depth interviews with experts and movement leaders, write to [email protected] or Whatsapp +91 9820918910.
Bonn Press Brief
The 62nd meeting of the Subsidiary Bodies (SB62) of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) taking place in Bonn, Germany, from June 16th-June 26th, 2025. will be the first time governments gather after a deeply disappointing failure to deliver new climate finance commitments at COP29 in Baku, Azerbaijan.
Almost one-quarter of the Parties to the Paris Agreement either rejected or registered reservations about the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) decision before Azerbaijan’s COP29 President unabashedly bulldozed through its adoption, stage-managed by UNFCCC’s Executive Secretary. Along with Article 6 carbon markets standards which were adopted by a highly unconventional process that avoided any customary formal approval by Parties, Baku’s two top finance deliverables remain dubious, containing no mandates for any meaningful actions after Belem’s COP30. Combining non-commitments under Article 2.1c to align all financial flows with the 1.5C temperature goal, only the delivery of non-negotiated reports are required at COP30, leaving a rough road for climate finance with no certain future beyond Belem.
Global North governments have historically used these meetings to promote deceptive finance, false solutions and neo-colonial schemes. These policies and frameworks deepen the inequalities and delay the urgent system change we need to prevent climate collapse. Bonn’s climate conference also begins a new chapter of geopolitical changes where US President Trump’s global trade war accelerates economic deglobalization amid intensifying resource competition while ongoing genocidal wars are recasting government priorities, resulting in repositioning negotiators’ expectations. Add in Trump’s second exit from the Paris Agreement and our world is left wandering further off-track from 1.5C without participation of the nation with the most historical responsibility to reduce emissions and respective capabilities to provide finance and technology.
With the exit of US, this is a crucial moment for Global South governments and movements to hold the leaders of the richest, industrialised nations accountable and stop their schemes to derail climate action, distort the agenda of Just Transition and adaptation, and escape from their historical and legal obligations under the UNFCCC and its Paris Agreement.
At a time when the climate crisis is reaching catastrophic levels, with the Global South being least responsible but most affected, the negotiations in Bonn will determine whether COP30 in Belém becomes a moment of reckoning or turns out to be another co-opt by Global North governments and their corporates to orchestrate their Great Escape from historical responsibility.
Every day: DCJ Daily Press Conference on Global South perspectives at 10.00am in Nairobi press conference room 16th June: Mobilisation on Palestine Solidarity on opening day outside the venue followed by press conference by Palestinian groups at 10am at the Nairobi press conference room 17th June: ‘Defuel the Genocide: Global Energy Embargo on Israel Now’ press conference at 10am at the Nairobi press conference room 18th June: Kick Big Polluters Out mobilisation at 8am outside the venue followed by press conference at 10am at the Nairobi press conference room 18th June: Civil society-cross-constituency led just transition day with various activities 19th June: DCJ opening press conference on Global North’s blocking climate action and efforts to use climate negotiations to perpetuate their colonial agenda 24th June: Side Event on Peoples Summit, a global convening of peoples’ movements during COP30 in Brazil 25th June: Side Event onReal Solutions: A system transformation approach to equitable and just transition
Defuel the Genocide: Global Energy Embargo on Israel Now.
Press conference demanding that the COP30 host government, Brazil, end all crude oil and refined products exports to Israel, demonstrating its seriousness towards addressing the genocide and climate change. The speakers will also address the governments of the USA, Colombia, Brazil, South Africa, Azerbaijan, Nigeria, Greece, Cyprus, Italy, Albania, Russia, Turkey, Kazakhstan and Gabon, to demand an end to the transfer of coal, crude oil and petroleum to Israel, and pressuring energy corporations that are most implicated in supplying Israel during the genocide, particularly Glencore, Drummond, SOCAR, BP and
Chevron. Additionally, also call on Egypt, the EU, and other countries to end gas purchases from Israel and stop companies from profiteering from Israel’s settler-colonial occupation, apartheid, and genocide.
End the Siege, End the Genocide: No Climate Justice Under Occupation
A peaceful protest intended to show the deep outrage of the climate movement at the ongoing genocide in Palestine. As Israel continues its brutal campaign of bombing, massacres and starvation against an innocent civilian population, many of the actors and states that are directly responsible for these crimes walk the halls of the climate negotiations. The protest is to remind them of the deep interlinkages between the intersecting crises of climate, capitalism, colonialism, militarism, violence and genocide. And that they cannot separate climate justice and the cause of Palestinian liberation. The protest will be followed by a press conference in the June Climate Meetings (SB 62) press conference room.
WHEN Protest timings: June 16th, 8:00 AM. Press conference timings: June 16th, 10 AM.
WHERE Protest venue: World Conference Center Entrance (Metro stop: Heussallee/Museumsmeile). Press conference venue: Nairobi 4, Main building.
The climate justice movement believes that this is a make-or-break year for just transition in the UNFCCC. One more year without substantial and actionable decisions on just transition will render the Just Transition Work Program (JTWP) into a permanent talk shop not worth renewing after it expires in 2026 as per article 3 of the COP28 JTWP Decision. Furthermore, the JTWP should not be seen as another platform to push for prescriptive top-down, mitigation-centric approaches or an enabling environment to attract investment and profit opportunities for multinational corporations and financial institutions, especially from the North.
Either the JTWP fulfils its promise of delivering concrete outcomes for developed countries more vulnerable to the climate crisis and especially real people suffering both intensifying climate change impacts and unjust transitions, or it becomes another failed workstream further obstructing a sufficient international response to the climate crisis.
Key issues
JTWP should focus on operationalisation of Common but Differentiated Responsibility and Respective Capability (CBDR-RC) on all elements (a broader scope – not mitigation and energy centric and not only labour-focused) but enable just transition pathways for the full implementation of the goals of the Paris Agreement.
JTWP should not be seen as another platform to push for prescriptive top-down mitigation-centric approaches or creating enabling environments to attract investments for the global north private sector actors; instead, it should consider the needs of the vulnerable groups and prioritise community led solutions (that are co-created by and benefit workers in both the formal and informal sector, communities, small and medium enterprises, as well as developing countries).
A JT must include agriculture as 4 billion people, who are already disproportionately experiencing the effects of climate change, depend on the sector. We need a JT towards equitable, humane and agroecological food systems that will support both adaptation and mitigation goals.
Just Transition cannot and must not be reduced to a scheme designed to uphold existing inequities and to appease markets and investors. This is a betrayal of the millions of workers, farmers, Indigenous Peoples, and communities whose survival depends on a radical and comprehensive transformation of existing systems.
…
Adaptation
This year is very significant for adaptation related items. There are five agenda items under adaptation: (i) GGA, (ii) National Adaptation Plans (NAPs), (iii) the Nairobi work programme, (iv) review of the Adaptation Committee and (v) guidance relating to Adaptation Communications.
At COP 29 in Baku, by decision 3/CMA.6, there were some gains made with a substantive outcome under the GGA, in particular, to have the GGA as a “standing agenda item”, with the adoption of the ‘Baku Adaptation Roadmap’ to advance the GGA work under the ‘UAE Framework for Global Climate Resilience’; and the inclusion of “means of implementation” in the UAE-Belem work programme on the development of indicators, for measuring progress achieved towards the GGA’s seven thematic and four dimensional targets. These were key demands by developing countries. (The GGA thematic targets cover water, food and agriculture, health, ecosystems and biodiversity, infrastructure and human settlements, poverty eradication and livelihoods and protection of cultural heritage, while the dimensional targets are (i) impact, vulnerability and risk assessment, (ii) planning, (iii) implementation and (iv) monitoring, evaluation and learning. )
However, huge gaps remained on the rest of the adaptation agenda items, especially on the very important issue of NAPs, with only a procedural decision to continue further work at SB 62. The NAPs agenda has seen a history of stalled negotiations due to fundamental divergences between developing and developed countries over anchoring means of implementation in the decision, consistently blocked by developed countries led by the US.
Anchoring Article 9.1 in the Baku to Belém Roadmap to 1.3 T and rejection of attempts to transfer responsibility of climate finance delivery from rich governments to the private sector and multilateral institutions
The Baku to Belém Roadmap to 1.3T was established at COP29 as a year-long process to look at how the $1.3 trillion goal agreed at COP29 within the NCQG process should be reached. It will produce a report summarising the outcomes by COP30. It is a key demand of Global South countries and movements that Article 9.1 of the UNFCCC be anchored in this process to reinforce the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities (CBDR-RC), a core concept of the UNFCCC. Additionally, after the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) debacle in Baku last year, the Global North is set to orchestrate a co-opt of the Baku to Belém Roadmap to 1.3 Trillion by pushing for transferring responsibility of climate finance delivery from rich governments to the private sector and multilateral institutions (eg. World Bank) and further undermine the UNFCCC. This must be resisted at all costs. The Baku to Belém Roadmap to 1.3 Trillion is not a treasure hunt for the private sector.
Key demands
Climate finance outcomes of Baku to Belém Roadmap to $1.3 Trillion in line with climate justice
Urgent delivery of climate finance obligations in the trillions from Global North – past and present
Clear implementation and timeline on the tripling of climate finance flows to UNFCCC climate funds
Scaled up commitments and delivery of pledges to Fund for Responding to Loss & Damage (FrLD) and Adaptation fund
Adequate financing for just and equitable transition out of fossil fuels and into renewable energy
Finance climate-resilient food systems and ensure the right to food and food sovereignty.
Key Climate Finance figures
The Global South demands:
Climate Finance: $5 Trillion in public grants.
Adaptation Finance: $2 Trillion for energy transformation and $1 Trillion for food systems transformation.
Loss and Damage: $1 Trillion for Fund for Responding to Loss and Damage.
…
Promoting false solutions under the cover of the Global Stocktake (GST)
From carbon capture and utilisation and storage (CCUS) to carbon dioxide removal (CDR) and low-carbon hydrogen production, the Global North is pushing a set of false solutions under the cover of the Global Stocktake (GST) outcome from COP28. These technofixes are not solutions—they are lifelines for fossil fuel expansion and tools for delaying real solutions.
Climate finance should not be spent on false solutions, including CCS, CDR etc;
We need to close the false solutions/abatement loopholes in any reiteration of the GST outcome.
Investment in real solutions that are grounded in people’s sovereignty and ecological justice, not colonial logics and market mechanisms.
…
Global South debt crisis and unjust debt architecture addressed within the Sharm el-Sheikh Dialogue on Article 2.1c
Public finance is urgently needed to address the intensifying climate crisis due to the Global North’s historical and continuing occupation of the world’s commons and failure to execute ambitious climate action and deliver on climate finance obligations. Yet, the Global North continues to silence the clamor for the cancellation of public, illegitimate debts that Global South are being forced to repay.
Key demands
Climate finance must be grant-based, public and adequate so countries are not forced into debt
To align all financial flows with the climate emergency, we must address the Global South debt crisis. This means debt cancellation for all countries, across all creditors, free from economic conditions. We also need urgent reform to the debt architecture via a UN framework convention on sovereign debt, including a multilateral debt workout mechanism.
No to false finance solutions that are inadequate (like climate resilient debt clauses), or that can exacerbate the current situation (e.g. debt swaps, more climate finance as loans, green and blue bonds, and MDBs playing a bigger role in climate finance delivery)
…
Negotiations and updates on the Tropical Forest Forever Facility (TFFF), Global Goals on Adaptation and Just Transition Work Program for food systems transformation.
Key demands
Ensure climate action and food systems transformation are properly addressed in more ambitious Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and National Adaptation Plans (NAPs) in 2025 starting with the JT package to include agriculture and a recognition of the need to urgently transition away from industrial agricultural production towards equitable, humane and agroecological agricultural food system as an effective adaptation and mitigation measure to equitably reduce deforestation and tackle emission to meet the 1.5°C climate target.
Climate financing for smallholders and an equitable just transition towards humane, sustainable, and agroecological agricultural practices and agroecology 1. Demand sufficient and adequate provision of climate finance from the Green Climate Fund (GCF), Loss and Damage Finance (LDF), and Adaptation Fund (AF) for climate action on agriculture & fisheries and agroecology.
2. Redirect finance and perverse subsidies from false solutions in big ag and big livestock to real solutions in agriculture, including agroecology and agroforestry, local consumption and production, gender justice in the food systems and support to small holders.
…
GST outcome on Fast, Fair, Funded, Forever Phase Out from Fossil Fuel.
The GST outcome (COP28) promotes problematic technologies like ‘abatement and removal technologies such as carbon capture and utilisation and storage, particularly in hard-to-abate sectors, and low-carbon hydrogen production’ – that risk extending fossil fuel use and enabling further expansion.
Key demands
Fast, funded, fair, forever phase out.
#DontGasAsia #DontGasAfrica
If calls for fossil fuel phase out need to refer to the GST outcome (from COP28) then they should lift up the specific FF/energy elements of the GST rather than calls for reiteration of para 28 or ‘full GST implementation’ (as these explicitly encourage false solutions).
Technology Implementation Program (TIP)
Countries will decide on the way forward for implementing the TIP. Technology is a key pillar of means of implementation support that developed countries have to provide to developing countries under the UNFCCC and its Paris Agreement. We stress that the TIP must be implemented in line with the principles of CBDR-RC and equity.
Key demands:
Technology transfer from developed to developing countries must occur.
Sustainable and adequate access to financial resources is key in addressing technology needs of developing countries. Finance must be provided to implement technology needs and priorities identified by developing countries in their Technology Needs and Assessment, Technology Action Plans, Biennial Transparency Reports, National Communications, and Long term strategies.
Barriers posed by the international intellectual property rights regime must be addressed so that developing countries.
WHAT: Press conference demanding that the COP30 host government, Brazil, end all crude oil and refined products exports to Israel, demonstrating its seriousness towards addressing the genocide and climate change. The speakers will also address the governments of the USA, Colombia, Brazil, South Africa, Azerbaijan, Nigeria, Greece, Cyprus, Italy, Albania, Russia, Turkey, Kazakhstan and Gabon, to demand an end to the transfer of coal, crude oil and petroleum to Israel, and pressuring energy corporations that are most implicated in supplying Israel during the genocide, particularly Glencore, Drummond, SOCAR, BP and
Chevron. Additionally, also call on Egypt, the EU, and other countries to end gas purchases from Israel and stop companies from profiteering from Israel’s settler-colonial occupation, apartheid, and genocide.
WHEN June 17th, 10 AM (GMT+2)
WHERE Nairobi 4, Main building. conference in Nairobi room inside the World Conference Center, Bonn, Germany.
CONTACT Esthappen S, Communications Coordinator, Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice (Whatsapp: +91 9820918910, Email: [email protected])
WHO Rula Shadid (The Palestine Institute for Public Diplomacy), Ana Sánchez (The Global Energy Embargo for Palestine), Sinéad Magner (Women and Gender Constituency), Moderated by Rachitaa Gupta (Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice).
Press conference timings: June 16th, 10 AM (GMT+2)
WHERE Protest venue: World Conference Center Entrance (Metro stop: Heussallee/Museumsmeile). Press conference venue: Nairobi 4, Main building. conference in Nairobi room inside the World Conference Center
**Photo and interview opportunity**
CONTACT
Esthappen S, Communications Coordinator, Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice (Whatsapp: +91 9820918910, Email: [email protected])
WHAT: A peaceful protest where local movements, Palestinian activists, international social and climate justice groups and constituencies from around the world unite to express deep outrage about the ongoing genocide in Palestine. As Israel continues its brutal campaign of bombing, massacres and starvation against an innocent civilian population, many of the actors and states that are directly enabling crimes are currently walking the halls of the UN climate negotiations with no accountability. People from around the world are joining forces to remind them of the deep interlinkages between the intersecting crises of climate, capitalism, colonialism, militarism, violence and genocide. And that they cannot separate climate justice and the cause of Palestinian liberation. The protest will be followed by a press conference in the June Climate Meetings (SB 62) Nairobi press conference room.
WHO Protest: Civil society groups (from across Germany and the world) and members of UNFCCC rights-based constituencies. Press conference: Mohammed Usrof (Palestine Institute for Climate Strategy), Fatma Khafagy (Women and Gender Constituency), Amiera Sawas (Climate Action Network), Hajar Al-Beltaji (ANGRY), Ana Sánchez (Global Energy Embargo for Palestine), Moderated by Rachitaa Gupta (Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice).
VISUALS Big crowds of people from around the world with everyone wearing RED clothes and KEFFIYEHS holding banners and placards with messages of solidarity and expressing rage at the complicity of governments attending the climate negotiations with a “business as usual” mindset Coordinated movements and sloganeering
SPOKESPEOPLE Representatives from Palestinian civil society groups and climate and social justice activists from around the world including local civil society organisations across Germany.
The UNFCCC Children and Youth, Women and Gender, and Environmental NGO constituencies—including Demand Climate Justice and Climate Action Network—have come together to demand that COP30 meaningfully include food systems and agriculture in its Just Transition agenda.
In a joint letter to the Presidency, we demand:
A full transition away from industrial, extractive agriculture
Agroecology as a core climate solution
Smallholders, women, youth and Indigenous Peoples must lead in creating policy solutions
Finance and technology that reach the most affected: smallholders, Indigenous Peoples, women and youth
Coherence between climate, biodiversity and desertification agendas
Clear safeguards to prevent greenwashing and protect people, animals and the planet
Food systems are not a side issue. They are a frontline battleground for justice. 🌍 Read our full letter and share our demands.
At a time when public finance is desperately needed to address the intensification of the climate crises due to Global North’s historical and continuing occupation of the world’s commons and failure to execute ambitious climate actions and deliver on climate finance obligations, the Global North continues to fraud the Global South of the climate debt owed, this time co-opting the Fourth Financing for Development (FfD4) process after Baku last year, to further realise their ‘Great Escape’ from provision of new and additional climate finance to developing countries.
The refusal to respond to the clamor for the cancellation of public debts in the Global South and the attempt to bury climate finance in a single paragraph alongside biodiversity and ecosystems in thezero draft which was opposed by developing countries, is a calculated move by Global North governments to weaken respective mandates and cover up double and multiple counting of the same funds.
Additionally, their failure to acknowledge “new and additional” obligations and push for insertion of deceptive language of “all sources” along with twisting voluntarySouth-South cooperation marks the next phase of the Global North’s dereliction of legal obligations. All this while they continue pouring trillions into fossil fuels, militarisation, and corporate bailouts—the very systems driving planetary destruction.
The FfD4 Conference (June 30th-July 3rd) taking place at the heels of June Climate Meetings (SB62) is a crucial moment for Global South governments and movements to hold the leaders of the richest, industrialised nations accountable and stop their schemes to push debt traps, market-based mechanisms and recycled loans and efforts to erase their historical responsibility and cover up for their failures.
The Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice (DCJ) along with its members rejects the attempts by the Global North to rob the communities in the Global South—least responsible for the climate crises—and stands with the G77 that is united in their fight to defend the integrity of climate finance bound by legal obligations of the UNFCCC and its Paris Agreement. We also stand against the decision to conduct the next phase of negotiations behind closed doors with no civil society observers being allowed and demand transparency and accountability from the United Nations.
