Side event on Monday 23 June to discuss a roadmap for a just and equitable transition + implementing the COP28 fossil fuel decision.
Tag Archives: SB62
Global Goals on Adaptation | 23 June (Cross-constituency)
My name is Lorraine, speaking on behalf of rights-based constituencies – YOUNGO, Women and Gender Constituency, and both ENGOS – Climate Action Network and the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice.
We stand in solidarity with those suffering from the wars across the world and strongly condemn that public funds go to funding militarism instead of climate finance. We call for an end to the wars.
We value the immense work done so far on the Global Goal on Adaptation, but it is time that we ensure that people and ecosystems are actually protected from devastating climate impacts, and for that, adaptation finance is an absolute prerequisite. Any further delay in the provision of finance for adaptation will translate into loss of life and permanent displacement across the Global South. We need to start both the technical phase and the political phase now.
We are all aware that Article 9.1 creates a hard obligation for developed country Parties to provide finance for developing country Parties. Thus, the inclusion of MOI indicators in the GGA is crucial to track this financial provision from developed to developing countries. We really cannot leave Bonn without agreeing on a way forward on the MOI indicators. Such indicators need to assess the provision of finance based on the principle of Justice and Equity, based on CBDR – and thus we cannot accept any indicators on ODA and national budgets. Closing the adaptation gap requires scaled-up grant-based public funding that is accessible, predictable, and in alignment with local priorities. So we also demand a follow-up to the Glasgow commitment.
Let us be clear – adaptation is a right to survival, especially of the most vulnerable. We urge you to center them in cross-cutting considerations. No framework of indicators will be complete without consideration for the specific circumstances of gender, local and Indigenous communities, age, disability, racial and ethnic minorities, migrants, and workers.
To close our intervention, we recognize that global solidarity is at a crossroads today. We want to believe in multilateralism, which we have all put our faith in. So, for communities across the world to really believe in your “commitment to progress,” we need immediate action for our collective survival, we need the provision of adaptation finance, and MOI indicators to track this, and we need it NOW.
Sharm El-Sheikh Joint Work Workshop on Agriculture | 23 June
My name is Catherine from World Animal Protection. I am speaking on behalf of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice, one of the ENGOs.
We congratulate the room on the conduct of the first workshop. We were pleased to hear agroecology and just transition mentioned in several party presentations, and we left the day full of hope.
As the only formal space within the UNFCCC that is mandated to guide global climate action on food and agriculture, it is your responsibility to address the ongoing climate crisis in the sector. That said, we are noting our deep disappointment that this Joint Work is in the state that it is.
However, we are still meaningfully engaging with the matter at hand. We appreciate the annexes proposed for the next workshop on means of implementation, which covers substantive issues, including clarifying the state of financing of climate action in agriculture and what vulnerable groups need in order to access these funds. We also appreciate its inclusion in para 7 of the text.
Seeing the dire state of this Joint Work – unable to agree on a text, unsure whether the synthesis report can be completed, the portal improved, or if the next workshop can be held – we are once again confronted by your complete disregard for the suffering of millions of people as we speak. Let’s bring back substantive discussions on agriculture in this agriculture negotiation room – and not be bogged down by procedural issues. As movements representing frontline communities experiencing the brunt of the food and climate crises, we urge you to ring all the alarms to ensure that this JW completes what it has been mandated to do – the implementation of climate action for a food-secured world where small producers and vulnerable communities thrive.
Arrangements of Intergovernmental Meetings (AIM)
DCJ/CAN – ENGO Intervention June 21
Tobias Holle
Thank you for giving us the floor. I’m speaking on behalf of ENGO-CAN and ENGO-DCJ
We align with the intervention of the other rights-based constituencies and explicitly echo the intervention by the WGC to call on Parties to propose the creation of a formal Disability Constituency to represent their interests directly – they need to sit at this very table.
In the last years we have seen a continued assault on civic space, in and outside of the venue with regrettable complicity of the UNFCCC. Freedom of speech and of peaceful assembly are human rights and key for effective climate action at all levels, local, regional, and international, and must be protected in order to ensure meaningful observer engagement in the process which will lead to stronger outcomes. We urge parties to require the Secretariat to protect freedom of expression and peaceful assembly in the Blue Zone and to facilitate advocacy actions that do not unduly restrict the ability of observers to creatively and powerfully communicate their messages.
The crucial tasks of observers can only be fulfilled if they are in negotiation rooms – assuming they received a visa as already stated in our intervention yesterday. Those rooms have to be open, accessible and interpretation needs to be guaranteed. The ticketing system is inadequate and chaotic; there should be space for at least 2 people per constituency in each negotiation. We welcome the promise by the COP30 presidency to include all rights-based observer constituencies in the pre-COP events and look forward to a meaningful engagement.
We thank the parties proposed constituencies to hold their interventions in plenary sessions after the regional groups which is a lasting proposal from constituencies.
At the same time, the intransparency of the badge allocation processes including the allocation of Party Overflow badges is an ongoing issue and limits us in our coordination throughout the year as well as proposing concrete steps in more meaningful engagement regarding the increased number of observer organisations.
We also must recognize that observers representing polluting interests are beholden to advance an agenda that is in direct contravention with the mandate of the UNFCCC. We call on Parties to finally take steps to protect the UNFCCC from the undue and vested interests of the fossil fuel and other emissions intensive industries. This should involve adopting rigorous measures to guide engagement with representatives from non-governmental organizations. These measures should prevent entities with private, polluting interests from unduly influencing or undermining UNFCCC activities and processes through their engagement as representatives of non-governmental organizations; strengthen the process for admission and accreditation of observers within the UNFCCC and its convenings; and draw on established international precedents, including from other UN bodies.
Thank you!
Just Transition Work Program | 21 June
Thank you co-chairs. My name is Caroline Brouillette and I am speaking on behalf of the Climate Action Network and Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice, the two ENGO constituencies.
Civil Society has been asking for operational decisions on Just Transition since the beginning of the work programme, and would like to make a case for five operational decisions:
- Our version of an institutional arrangement for JT, A Global Just Transition Mechanism
- Principles on Just Transition that would underpin this mechanism
- Guidance for national participatory institutions on Just Transition.
- A call for the Financial mechanism to expand provision of and access to funding for JT
- Explicitly reference to dimensions of the transition that must be covered by the work programme to ensure those happen in a just way, such as but not limited to:
- fossil fuel phase-out
- food systems transformation
- ecosystem protection and restoration,
- renewable energy deployment
- Fair supply chains in transition minerals,
- Adaptation and climate resilience
- and industry and /transport alignment with climate goals
We welcome the support by many parties already for the launch of a Global Just Transition mechanism. From our perspective, the mechanism would accelerate progress and cooperation through 3 key functions, (very well explained by South Africa): coordination, knowledge sharing and implementation.
We are hearing Parties signaling the risk of an institutional arrangement such as our call for Belem Action Mechanism for JT, adding to fragmentation or duplication. Outside of this space, Just Transition is being disconnected from the goals of the Paris agreement, and many voices are absent in steering Just Transition work moving forward. If Parties want all efforts on just transition to be directed towards achieving the objectives of the PA, in a way that secures justice for workers, communities and countries, it belongs to the UNFCCC to facilitate, accelerate and contribute to the coordination of efforts through the Global Mechanism.
The idea that political messages alone will satisfy workers and communities, is disappointing. We do expect Parties that reflect on how their own communities will feel, in the moment in which we are living now, with inequalities and climate impacts rising and serious concerns on climate policies impacts on working people, that the only thing this process can do is send a message for others to follow.
We will submit a more detailed version of this statement in full to the Secretariat for distribution to parties. Thank you very much.
EXPOSING FALSE SOLUTIONS AS BARRIERS TO REAL SOLUTIONS📅
A side event happening at the #BonnClimateConference this Friday, June 20th.📍 15:00-16:15, Kaminzimmer room
Join us and other members of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice to learn more about the types of false solutions that continue to distract from the real action that we need to address the climate crisis.
Featuring:
🔸 ESCR-Net
🔸 FIAN International
🔸 Global Forest Coalition
🔸 Indigenous Environmental Network
🔸Corporate Accountability
SB62 Intervention: NAPs | 19 June
My name is Pang from the Philippines, speaking on behalf of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice, one of the Environmental NGOs.
As a young person from the Global South, the hypocrisy in this room is clear to me, and it baffles me that it is not so to you. Every negotiating session, we hear that you are “quote and quote” committed to progress, but that’s unbelievable to us observers – as we have just spent a second frustrating session simply staring at each other – asking what now?
On top of that, there has been no formal decision on NAPs since COP27 – with developed countries blocking every step of the way. But developing countries are also not blameless, with only 63 developing countries having submitted their NAPs, which are either completely inadequate or full of dangerous distractions— carbon markets, offsets, techno fixes, and other false solutions— that serve polluters, not people.
We all know that the Global North’s unwillingness to have any language on MOI is the real roadblock to progress here at the NAPs negotiations. They are, as they have always done, skirting their legal obligation to provide climate finance. They refuse to recognize their historical and continuing responsibility in causing the climate catastrophe and the resulting disproportionate vulnerability of the Global South to its impacts. We in the Global South are locked into maladaptive pathways, with the lack of public finance provision making NAP development and implementation – and therefore meaningful adaptation action on the ground – impossible.
As movements representing grassroots communities in the Global South that are ravaged by climate impacts as we speak, we would like to remind Parties that your work here affects real lives. We said this to your colleagues in the GGA room, and expect us to keep saying this in every adaptation room, because the lives of millions of people in the Global South are on the line. Please aim to have a text here at SBs to be adopted at COP30 later in November, and provide guidance that unlocks public finance provision for meaningful adaptation action on the ground, because every day of delay locks us into our catastrophic realities.
Intervention: OPENING PLENARY (SB62)
My name is Mohammed Usrof from ANGRY speaking on behalf of ENGO-DCJ
We start this climate conference with the most urgent call to action. How can you talk about “climate justice” while a genocide is livestreamed to the world?
For over 600 days we have seen infants killed. Children orphaned and wounded. Palestinians starved to death. Entire neighborhoods erased.
And we blame the same states and companies you’ll find in these halls —
those claiming to lead a “green transition” for perpetuating this genocide.
We see the countries and big polluters who have led the destruction of our planet for decades for their greed and profit pour money in to funding a genocide yet commit pittance for climate finance.
Military emissions account for 5.5% of global emissions and this war being unleashed against my people accounts for emissions equivalent to 100 countries already. Fossil fuels from 13 countries are fuelling this genocide. Refusing to acknowledge this here and by continuing the business as usual is cowardice in a suit, it is cowardice in green wrapping, you’re greenwashing your inhumanity.
We demand an energy embargo against the genocidal apartheid state. We demand genocide to be defunded and for the global military funding to be redirected towards global south countries and for climate action.
End the siege. End the Genocide. There is no climate justice under occupation.
DCJ Press brief: Key issues to watch out for at the June Climate Meetings (SB62)
| Report on climate and events like COP but leaving out the Bonn negotiations? Journalists and climate communicators have much to gain from the June Climate Meetings: Set the narrative: Early bird gets the most traction. Bonn is a chance to introduce new narratives and issues the world will focus on. Be ahead in the game. Build relationships: Everyone is too busy during the COP. Build your key relationships for the year with experts, activists, scientists and movement leaders. Investigative pieces: Bonn is a great moment to start working on a long form piece. There are no rushed timelines, experts have time for longer interviews, and you get the time to work on an in-depth report and release it in time for COP. Not able to make it to Germany, no worries! We have set up a Media hub for you to receive updates everyday. Click on this link. For more information on any issues or in-depth interviews with experts and movement leaders, write to [email protected] or Whatsapp +91 9820918910. |
Bonn Press Brief
The 62nd meeting of the Subsidiary Bodies (SB62) of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) taking place in Bonn, Germany, from June 16th-June 26th, 2025. will be the first time governments gather after a deeply disappointing failure to deliver new climate finance commitments at COP29 in Baku, Azerbaijan.
Almost one-quarter of the Parties to the Paris Agreement either rejected or registered reservations about the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) decision before Azerbaijan’s COP29 President unabashedly bulldozed through its adoption, stage-managed by UNFCCC’s Executive Secretary. Along with Article 6 carbon markets standards which were adopted by a highly unconventional process that avoided any customary formal approval by Parties, Baku’s two top finance deliverables remain dubious, containing no mandates for any meaningful actions after Belem’s COP30. Combining non-commitments under Article 2.1c to align all financial flows with the 1.5C temperature goal, only the delivery of non-negotiated reports are required at COP30, leaving a rough road for climate finance with no certain future beyond Belem.
Global North governments have historically used these meetings to promote deceptive finance, false solutions and neo-colonial schemes. These policies and frameworks deepen the inequalities and delay the urgent system change we need to prevent climate collapse. Bonn’s climate conference also begins a new chapter of geopolitical changes where US President Trump’s global trade war accelerates economic deglobalization amid intensifying resource competition while ongoing genocidal wars are recasting government priorities, resulting in repositioning negotiators’ expectations. Add in Trump’s second exit from the Paris Agreement and our world is left wandering further off-track from 1.5C without participation of the nation with the most historical responsibility to reduce emissions and respective capabilities to provide finance and technology.
With the exit of US, this is a crucial moment for Global South governments and movements to hold the leaders of the richest, industrialised nations accountable and stop their schemes to derail climate action, distort the agenda of Just Transition and adaptation, and escape from their historical and legal obligations under the UNFCCC and its Paris Agreement.
At a time when the climate crisis is reaching catastrophic levels, with the Global South being least responsible but most affected, the negotiations in Bonn will determine whether COP30 in Belém becomes a moment of reckoning or turns out to be another co-opt by Global North governments and their corporates to orchestrate their Great Escape from historical responsibility.
Key policy documents
| (Click to open)Third World Network: Curtain Raiser on SB 62 DCJ Finance brief |
Key moments
| Every day: DCJ Daily Press Conference on Global South perspectives at 10.00 am in Nairobi press conference room 16th June: Mobilisation on Palestine Solidarity on opening day outside the venue followed by press conference by Palestinian groups at 10am at the Nairobi press conference room 17th June: ‘Defuel the Genocide: Global Energy Embargo on Israel Now’ press conference at 10am at the Nairobi press conference room 18th June: Kick Big Polluters Out mobilisation at 8am outside the venue followed by press conference at 10am at the Nairobi press conference room 18th June: Civil society-cross-constituency led just transition day with various activities 19th June: DCJ opening press conference on Global North’s blocking climate action and efforts to use climate negotiations to perpetuate their colonial agenda 24th June: Side Event on Peoples Summit, a global convening of peoples’ movements during COP30 in Brazil 25th June: Side Event on Real Solutions: A system transformation approach to equitable and just transition |
Key research from members
Key policy focus
- Solidarity with Palestinian resistance
- Defuel the Genocide: Global Energy Embargo on Israel Now.
Press conference demanding that the COP30 host government, Brazil, end all crude oil and refined products exports to Israel, demonstrating its seriousness towards addressing the genocide and climate change. The speakers will also address the governments of the USA, Colombia, Brazil, South Africa, Azerbaijan, Nigeria, Greece, Cyprus, Italy, Albania, Russia, Turkey, Kazakhstan and Gabon, to demand an end to the transfer of coal, crude oil and petroleum to Israel, and pressuring energy corporations that are most implicated in supplying Israel during the genocide, particularly Glencore, Drummond, SOCAR, BP and
Chevron. Additionally, also call on Egypt, the EU, and other countries to end gas purchases from Israel and stop companies from profiteering from Israel’s settler-colonial occupation, apartheid, and genocide.
- End the Siege, End the Genocide: No Climate Justice Under Occupation
A peaceful protest intended to show the deep outrage of the climate movement at the ongoing genocide in Palestine. As Israel continues its brutal campaign of bombing, massacres and starvation against an innocent civilian population, many of the actors and states that are directly responsible for these crimes walk the halls of the climate negotiations. The protest is to remind them of the deep interlinkages between the intersecting crises of climate, capitalism, colonialism, militarism, violence and genocide. And that they cannot separate climate justice and the cause of Palestinian liberation. The protest will be followed by a press conference in the June Climate Meetings (SB 62) press conference room.
WHEN Protest timings: June 16th, 8:00 AM. Press conference timings: June 16th, 10 AM.
WHERE Protest venue: World Conference Center Entrance (Metro stop: Heussallee/Museumsmeile). Press conference venue: Nairobi 4, Main building.
Resources for journalists on the protest and press conference.
Recording of press conference.
- Discussions on Just Transition Mechanism
The climate justice movement believes that this is a make-or-break year for just transition in the UNFCCC. One more year without substantial and actionable decisions on just transition will render the Just Transition Work Program (JTWP) into a permanent talk shop not worth renewing after it expires in 2026 as per article 3 of the COP28 JTWP Decision. Furthermore, the JTWP should not be seen as another platform to push for prescriptive top-down, mitigation-centric approaches or an enabling environment to attract investment and profit opportunities for multinational corporations and financial institutions, especially from the North.
Either the JTWP fulfils its promise of delivering concrete outcomes for developed countries more vulnerable to the climate crisis and especially real people suffering both intensifying climate change impacts and unjust transitions, or it becomes another failed workstream further obstructing a sufficient international response to the climate crisis.
Key issues
- JTWP should focus on operationalisation of Common but Differentiated Responsibility and Respective Capability (CBDR-RC) on all elements (a broader scope – not mitigation and energy centric and not only labour-focused) but enable just transition pathways for the full implementation of the goals of the Paris Agreement.
- JTWP should not be seen as another platform to push for prescriptive top-down mitigation-centric approaches or creating enabling environments to attract investments for the global north private sector actors; instead, it should consider the needs of the vulnerable groups and prioritise community led solutions (that are co-created by and benefit workers in both the formal and informal sector, communities, small and medium enterprises, as well as developing countries).
- A JT must include agriculture as 4 billion people, who are already disproportionately experiencing the effects of climate change, depend on the sector. We need a JT towards equitable, humane and agroecological food systems that will support both adaptation and mitigation goals.
- Just Transition cannot and must not be reduced to a scheme designed to uphold existing inequities and to appease markets and investors. This is a betrayal of the millions of workers, farmers, Indigenous Peoples, and communities whose survival depends on a radical and comprehensive transformation of existing systems.
…
- Adaptation
This year is very significant for adaptation related items. There are five agenda items under adaptation: (i) GGA, (ii) National Adaptation Plans (NAPs), (iii) the Nairobi work programme, (iv) review of the Adaptation Committee and (v) guidance relating to Adaptation Communications.
At COP 29 in Baku, by decision 3/CMA.6, there were some gains made with a substantive outcome under the GGA, in particular, to have the GGA as a “standing agenda item”, with the adoption of the ‘Baku Adaptation Roadmap’ to advance the GGA work under the ‘UAE Framework for Global Climate Resilience’; and the inclusion of “means of implementation” in the UAE-Belem work programme on the development of indicators, for measuring progress achieved towards the GGA’s seven thematic and four dimensional targets. These were key demands by developing countries. (The GGA thematic targets cover water, food and agriculture, health, ecosystems and biodiversity, infrastructure and human settlements, poverty eradication and livelihoods and protection of cultural heritage, while the dimensional targets are (i) impact, vulnerability and risk assessment, (ii) planning, (iii) implementation and (iv) monitoring, evaluation and learning. )
However, huge gaps remained on the rest of the adaptation agenda items, especially on the very important issue of NAPs, with only a procedural decision to continue further work at SB 62. The NAPs agenda has seen a history of stalled negotiations due to fundamental divergences between developing and developed countries over anchoring means of implementation in the decision, consistently blocked by developed countries led by the US.
- Anchoring Article 9.1 in the Baku to Belém Roadmap to 1.3 T and rejection of attempts to transfer responsibility of climate finance delivery from rich governments to the private sector and multilateral institutions
The Baku to Belém Roadmap to 1.3T was established at COP29 as a year-long process to look at how the $1.3 trillion goal agreed at COP29 within the NCQG process should be reached. It will produce a report summarising the outcomes by COP30. It is a key demand of Global South countries and movements that Article 9.1 of the UNFCCC be anchored in this process to reinforce the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities (CBDR-RC), a core concept of the UNFCCC. Additionally, after the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) debacle in Baku last year, the Global North is set to orchestrate a co-opt of the Baku to Belém Roadmap to 1.3 Trillion by pushing for transferring responsibility of climate finance delivery from rich governments to the private sector and multilateral institutions (eg. World Bank) and further undermine the UNFCCC. This must be resisted at all costs. The Baku to Belém Roadmap to 1.3 Trillion is not a treasure hunt for the private sector.
Key demands
- Climate finance outcomes of Baku to Belém Roadmap to $1.3 Trillion in line with climate justice
- Urgent delivery of climate finance obligations in the trillions from Global North – past and present
- Clear implementation and timeline on the tripling of climate finance flows to UNFCCC climate funds
- Scaled up commitments and delivery of pledges to Fund for Responding to Loss & Damage (FrLD) and Adaptation fund
- Adequate financing for just and equitable transition out of fossil fuels and into renewable energy
- Finance climate-resilient food systems and ensure the right to food and food sovereignty.
Key Climate Finance figures
The Global South demands:
- Climate Finance: $5 Trillion in public grants.
- Adaptation Finance: $2 Trillion for energy transformation and $1 Trillion for food systems transformation.
- Loss and Damage: $1 Trillion for Fund for Responding to Loss and Damage.
…
- Promoting false solutions under the cover of the Global Stocktake (GST)
From carbon capture and utilisation and storage (CCUS) to carbon dioxide removal (CDR) and low-carbon hydrogen production, the Global North is pushing a set of false solutions under the cover of the Global Stocktake (GST) outcome from COP28. These technofixes are not solutions—they are lifelines for fossil fuel expansion and tools for delaying real solutions.
Key demands
- Carbon markets are not, and should not be considered, climate finance;
- Climate finance should not be spent on false solutions, including CCS, CDR etc;
- We need to close the false solutions/abatement loopholes in any reiteration of the GST outcome.
- Investment in real solutions that are grounded in people’s sovereignty and ecological justice, not colonial logics and market mechanisms.
…
- Global South debt crisis and unjust debt architecture addressed within the Sharm el-Sheikh Dialogue on Article 2.1c
Public finance is urgently needed to address the intensifying climate crisis due to the Global North’s historical and continuing occupation of the world’s commons and failure to execute ambitious climate action and deliver on climate finance obligations. Yet, the Global North continues to silence the clamor for the cancellation of public, illegitimate debts that Global South are being forced to repay.
Key demands
- Climate finance must be grant-based, public and adequate so countries are not forced into debt
- To align all financial flows with the climate emergency, we must address the Global South debt crisis. This means debt cancellation for all countries, across all creditors, free from economic conditions. We also need urgent reform to the debt architecture via a UN framework convention on sovereign debt, including a multilateral debt workout mechanism.
- No to false finance solutions that are inadequate (like climate resilient debt clauses), or that can exacerbate the current situation (e.g. debt swaps, more climate finance as loans, green and blue bonds, and MDBs playing a bigger role in climate finance delivery)
…
- Negotiations and updates on the Tropical Forest Forever Facility (TFFF), Global Goals on Adaptation and Just Transition Work Program for food systems transformation.
Key demands
- Ensure climate action and food systems transformation are properly addressed in more ambitious Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and National Adaptation Plans (NAPs) in 2025 starting with the JT package to include agriculture and a recognition of the need to urgently transition away from industrial agricultural production towards equitable, humane and agroecological agricultural food system as an effective adaptation and mitigation measure to equitably reduce deforestation and tackle emission to meet the 1.5°C climate target.
- Climate financing for smallholders and an equitable just transition towards humane, sustainable, and agroecological agricultural practices and agroecology
1. Demand sufficient and adequate provision of climate finance from the Green Climate Fund (GCF), Loss and Damage Finance (LDF), and Adaptation Fund (AF) for climate action on agriculture & fisheries and agroecology.
2. Redirect finance and perverse subsidies from false solutions in big ag and big livestock to real solutions in agriculture, including agroecology and agroforestry, local consumption and production, gender justice in the food systems and support to small holders.
…
- GST outcome on Fast, Fair, Funded, Forever Phase Out from Fossil Fuel.
The GST outcome (COP28) promotes problematic technologies like ‘abatement and removal technologies such as carbon capture and utilisation and storage, particularly in hard-to-abate sectors, and low-carbon hydrogen production’ – that risk extending fossil fuel use and enabling further expansion.
Key demands
- Fast, funded, fair, forever phase out.
- #DontGasAsia #DontGasAfrica
- If calls for fossil fuel phase out need to refer to the GST outcome (from COP28) then they should lift up the specific FF/energy elements of the GST rather than calls for reiteration of para 28 or ‘full GST implementation’ (as these explicitly encourage false solutions).
- Technology Implementation Program (TIP)
Countries will decide on the way forward for implementing the TIP. Technology is a key pillar of means of implementation support that developed countries have to provide to developing countries under the UNFCCC and its Paris Agreement. We stress that the TIP must be implemented in line with the principles of CBDR-RC and equity.
Key demands:
- Technology transfer from developed to developing countries must occur.
- Sustainable and adequate access to financial resources is key in addressing technology needs of developing countries. Finance must be provided to implement technology needs and priorities identified by developing countries in their Technology Needs and Assessment, Technology Action Plans, Biennial Transparency Reports, National Communications, and Long term strategies.
- Barriers posed by the international intellectual property rights regime must be addressed so that developing countries.
Side Event: An assessment of the Baku outcomes and challenges on the road to Belem
From Baku to Belém: Multilateralism under pressure
Penang, 3 July (S.Hui): “If you think 2024 was very hostile and difficult for developing countries in the climate negotiations, this year appears even more hostile and difficult for developing countries. It appears as if multilateralism is (a patient) in the intensive care unit in the UNFCCC and is on-drips!” remarked Meena Raman, the Head of Programmes of Third World Network (TWN), in setting the scene of the climate talks at a side event organised by the TWN together with the Plurinational State of Bolivia, on the opening day of the Bonn sessions on 16 June 2025. Read more: https://www.twn.my/title2/climate/info.service/2025/cc250614.htm
