Summary

As one half of the Environmental Non-Governmental Organisations (ENGO) Constituency at the UNFCCC, DCJ intervenes at plenaries and dialogues during the climate talks to hold governments accountable and ensure that parties get to hear peoples' demands and critiques. The UNFCCC mandates formal representation of civil society and speakers representing DCJ are given 30 second to 1 minute slots to intervene on critical issues.

^{_{(Pema Lhundrup from Bhutan intervening on behalf of DCJ at High Level Ministerial on Nov 20th)}}

November 11th, 2025: Cross-Constituency Intervention on Institutional Arrangements

Thank you co-facilitator for your leadership and for the way in which you structured the debate.

I’m speaking on behalf of ENGOs, TUNGOs, WGC, YOUNGOs

On para 28, our constituencies have been asking for a step change in the way in which the UNFCCC is delivering on Just Transition. 

For all the reasons we have explained in the Open dialogue earlier today, and through the previous expert dialogues we would like to see in the Decision the following text, that we are happy to share with the Secretariat and Parties

“Decides to further implement the JTWP through the establishment of the Belem Action Mechanism for Just Transition (BAM) to accelerate, consolidate and achieve a holistic Just Transition across the whole economy within and between countries. 

Decides that the BAM will focus on

(i)        coordination of just transition initiatives within and outside the UNFCCC, including identifying and filling gaps and overcoming barriers to achieving just transition, creating synergies, providing recommendations, and avoiding replication of efforts on Just Transition among mechanisms and bodies within and outside the UNFCCC; and identifying ways forward on international cooperation

(ii)         supporting action and provision of technical assistance, increasing access to means of implementation and capacity building needed to implement just transition pathways and scaling up of means of implementation on just transition, including identification of grant-based, non- debt-inducing finance, technology transfer and capacity building to developing countries, notably through the coordination and channeling of new and existing funding arrangements for Just Transition policies, plans, programmes and practices. 

(iii)          the development of and access to knowledge and best practices on Just Transition, including through the continued work of the Just Transition Work Programme;

Further decides that the Mechanism will explicitly support the development and implementation of Just Transition pathways building on all the elements referenced in paragraph 11.

Further decides that the coordination entity of the Mechanism will have meaningful inclusion and participation from both developed and developing countries, other relevant UN agencies and observers constituencies (each of which should have a representative seat during the meetings), as well as other stakeholders.

Invites Parties, United Nations agencies, intergovernmental organisations, bilateral, multilateral and international financial institutions and other organisations with expertise on Just Transition to identify Just Transition Contact Points and submit their interests in contributing to these functions as part of a Hub of Practitioners in support of the BAM.  

In that spirit, we look forward to the upcoming contact group sessions and trust that our collective discussions on the three main buckets will continue in a constructive, inclusive, and ambitious manner, so that COP 30 in Belém delivers an outcome worthy of being called an Implementation COP.

November 12th, 2025: Cross-Constituency Intervention on Institutional Arrangements

Co facilitators

Thanks for this opportunity – 

I’m speaking on behalf of ENGOs – DCJ and CAN

Chair, there are many key messages our constituency wants to see kept but for the sake of brevity we’ll focus on the elements coming from the summary of the dialogues we would like to see in the text in para 11

• The importance of securing the right to Free Prior Informed Consent (FPIC) of all Indigenous Peoples, and ensuring all affected communities have access to grievances mechanisms and fair compensations.

• the importance of the urgent delivery of means of implementation (capacity-building, climate finance, and technology development and transfer) to facilitate just transition pathways and of enhancing international cooperation on, and support for, just transition pathways, especially for developing country Parties,

• The importance of ensuring transition minerals contribute to Just Transition pathways, by putting human rights at the core of all mineral value chains, safeguarding the environment, health and biodiversity and placing justice and equity in the mineral value chains, through benefit sharing, value addition and economic diversification.

• The need to develop Just Transition pathways in connection with securing access to food, water, health and energy.

• Recognise the vital role of community-led and locally driven adaptation practices, including those led by Indigenous Peoples, women, cooperatives and youth, and emphasize the need to strengthen adaptive social protection safety nets to build resilience, reduce risks, and reinforce social cohesion within just transition pathways.

Also, taking into account the importance of inclusive approaches, mentioned multiple times in all dialogues, the draft decision should add, as a new para 12, after the key messages, inviting Parties to establish national Just Transition institutions, involving all relevant stakeholders, as per para 11, and to pursue institutional approaches that enable participatory, context-specific planning, implementation and evaluation of just transition plans.

On para 11 f, we would like just transition not to limit its engagement to the private sector and instead read: Engage a large variety of economic actors, including micro, small and medium-sized enterprises, as well as public, socially- and community-owned initiatives which contribute to the creation of green and decent jobs;

On the issue of para 11g, we would like Parties to consider a fourth alternative to the options at the table that could read: 

g) The need to apply Just Transition when facilitating universal access to clean, reliable, affordable and sustainable energy for all, including through the scaled-up deployment of renewable energy and access to clean cooking, and transitioning away from fossil fuels in a just, orderly and equitable manner, while acknowledging that pathways will vary by country in accordance with national circumstances;

Lastly,  on behalf of ENGO DCJ, we urge all parties to remove language on nature-based solutions in Para 11K. NBS is often used as an umbrella term covering a range of schemes for climate and biodiversity protection. It is a concept so broad and vague that, in practice, it has referred to various false solutions that violate the rights and territories of indigenous peoples and communities, as well as destroying ecosystems. This has no place in the key messages of the UNFCCC on just transition. There can be no Just Transition with false solutions.

November 14th, 2025: Cross-Constituency Intervention on Institutional Arrangements

Thank you chair 

I’m speaking on behalf of ENGOs – Climate Action Network and Demand Climate Justice.

Thank you for this opportunity to react to this new draft. 

Many aspects of this text are critical for us and we are asking Parties to preserve and confirm the following next week:

• Para 2, anchoring this work to the PA

• Para 12e on  the importance of meaningful and effective social dialogue 

• Para 12d The importance of ensuring broad and meaningful participation involving all relevant stakeholders, 

• Para 12c On the multi-stakeholder, people-centric, bottom-up, whole-of-society approaches are required to achieve just transitions 

• Para 12g – on education systems and skills development 

• Para 12i- on rights of Indigenous Peoples; 

• Para 12h on human rights and all the components and social groups mentioned there

IMPORTANCE OF KEEPING BOTH i and h – 

• Para 12k on locally led adaptation and social protection 

• para 12m, on ensuring the integrity of all ecosystems and the protection of biodiversity

• para 15 which encourages Parties to consider just transition pathways in developing and implementing national climate plans and strategies, including NDCs, NAPs and LT-LEDS

• Para 23 –  emphasising  means of implementation 

• Para 25 – on scaling up new and additional grant-based, highly concessional finance and non-debt instruments 

And of course, para 28, option 1 – which decides to establish a just transition mechanism.

Co facilitators, there are also a few  areas that still need strengthening and we hope Parties signal them: 

• This decision needs stronger language on the functions of the mechanism (coordinate JT initiatives within and outside UNFCCC, support and share learning) and core aspects of the modalities, including commitment of parties to secure all observer constituencies a seat at the table in the Global Mechanism – we cannot leave this for later. 
• On paras 12 u and v, on critical minerals, we express our preference for “transition” minerals, and would like to see elements of both paras coming together as well articulated by Uganda, notably the acknowledgment of the work done by the UN SG Panel and the importance of equitable, transparent, responsible and traceable mineral value and supply chains, ensuring inclusive stakeholder and community participation, benefit sharing, resource efficiency, value addition and economic diversification; 
• We would encourage Parties to shift the reference from “informal workers” to “informal economy workers” to reflect the language in the ILO and other legal instruments and on 12f, we recall our request not to limit engagement to the private sector and instead read: Engage a large variety of economic actors, including micro, small and medium-sized enterprises, as well as public, socially- and community-owned initiatives which contribute to the creation of green and decent jobs;

We wanted to share our concern on the way in which energy is dealt with throughout para 12 in an uneven and contradictory way. Just Transition needs to be applied to all aspects of the energy transition that respond to the Paris Agreement and GST outcomes – transitioning away from fossil fuels, renewable energy including clean cooking, transition minerals. It does not make sense in that regard to have Para 12r Option1 on transitional fuels. We therefore prefer the no text option on this one. 

At the same time energy must not be the only dimension – so a balanced referencing of other dimensions (adaptation, minerals, food and agriculture) is needed.

Chair, we wanted to welcome the support from all countries in the G77+China to the Global Just Transition Mechanism currently in option 1, and acknowledge option 2 proposed by EU on a new institutional arrangement on Just Transition. We expect all remaining Parties to engage with more ambition moving forward. We appreciate that the EU JT Action Plan recognises the need to enhance cooperation, capacities and action on and foster just transition pathways and the role of observers. However, the modalities of an Action Plan have always been limited to dialogues and reports – modalities we already have in the JTWP – Therefore the need for a mechanism with a coordination entity as explained in our proposal. 

Chair, our view is that the current text has most elements at the table for Parties to decide on an ambitious Belem Action Mechanism for a Global Just Transition and become a landmark decision for COP30. We ask Parties to work together to bring all the key functions (coordination, enabling support, shared learning) with modalities including our involvement and make BAM happen!

November 20th High Level Ministerial roundtable on JT

Thank you Chair, Esteemed Ministers. I am Pema Lhundrup from Bhutan, representing  the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice, the other half of ENGO. 

COP30 is at the precipice of a momentous decision. The scale and urgency of global just transition requires that it has an institutionalized home in the UNFCCC to operationalise the principle of fairness, equity, and CBDR-RC, not a temporary work programme. 

Global North Countries: we see you. Blocking a mechanism means denying millions, if not billions, especially in the Global South, my home, their right to a just transition. This is why we need concrete actions not circular conversations; we need systemic change. Anything less betrays climate justice.

Therefore, we strongly support the G77 proposal to establish a global just transition mechanism. This is very similar to the cross-constituency proposal for a Belem Action Mechanism. The BAM would ensure an equitable and just Transition within and between countries, with means of implementation and peoples’ rights at the center.

To ‘save’ multilateralism, we need the Global North to cooperate, not compete.  — we must act to save the planet and protect the most vulnerable

This mechanism must ensure the formal representation of observer constituencies and civil society. There can be no just transition without the leadership and agency of workers, Indigenous Peoples, communities, youth, women and other genders, Afrodesendents, and all affected sectors.

Enough ‘blah blah blah’: The time for BAM is now!