Category Archives: Interventions

COP29, Interventions, SB60

SES JOINT WORK ON CLIMATE ACTION ON FOOD AND AGRICULTURE

Undelivered Intervention

Thank you co-facilitator. I am speaking on behalf of the collaboration between YOUNGO food & agriculture, the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice, the Women and Gender constituency, the Indigenous Peoples constituency, and YOUNGO Animal Rights. 

We appreciate the updates that are being discussed here today, this is the spirit of collaboration and the strength of the agriculture negotiations. We are supportive of the removal of annex 4 mentioned in paragraph 3.

While we recognize that these multistakeholder initiatives seek to support food systems action, they should NOT be central to the Joint Work or form the basis for action, voice, power, and decision-making. The focus must remain on inclusive, Party-driven, democratic processes that prioritize the needs and voices of vulnerable communities and Indigenous Peoples.

These initiatives platform and enable false solutions —-  such as GMOs, pesticides, factory farms, carbon offsets, ‘carbon farming’, and ‘carbon capture’ — that are heavily promoted by the agribusiness sector to keep business as usual in place of food sovereignty and agroecology as a real solution. We also want to emphasize that any innovation has to be people centred – it should not use technology to undermine livelihoods, rights and nature, for the sake of consolidating corporate control and profits. 

This is why we strongly support the removal of multistakeholder initiatives from the official text and removing the annex altogether We urge you to show your commitment AGAINST the very perpetrators of harm in food systems and in vulnerable communities and Indigenous Peoples around the world.

We hope that moving forward, participation of Observers will continue to be a pillar of the Sharm El Sheikh workshops and negotiations on agriculture and food security – we have so much to offer to keep this process moving forward to our shared goals. 

We look forward to the SSJW creating a special space to address the fundamental issues faced by farmers and those whose livelihoods and food security are particularly vulnerable to climate change, especially women, youth, indigenous peoples and marginalised communities.

Keen to get the work started and for that reason we strongly suggest that the first workshop already takes place at COP29 this year . As Civil society we remain available to support these efforts. Thank you. 

COP29, Interventions, SB60

INTERVENTION BY GLOBAL CAMPAIGN TO DEMAND CLIMATE JUSTICE AT MEETING WITH UNFCCC EXECUTIVE SECRETARY

I thank my sister Mishy from Women and Gender Constituency for chairing this important session and Mr Executive Secretary for this space. I am Rachitaa Gupta from the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice. I voluntarily and readily disclose that I have no direct or financial ties to the fossil fuel industry or other polluting industries, and invite others to also disclose the same as they speak. We reiterate all the points made by our comrades in the rights based constituencies. We all know that this is a crucial COP since it is called “finance COP”. We hope to see ambitious public  finance commitments from the parties, especially the developed countries who have the historical responsibility. We echo the demands of our comrades and sisters from the women and gender constituency who have talked about the ongoing genocide in Palestine and shows the true priorities of the developed countries. These issues are deeply interlinked- there is no climate justice on occupied land, and these same actors are perpetuating both the climate crisis and the genocide and systemic violence happening around the world.

We also insist on more accountability from the rich countries to deliver on the commitments that they make here year after year. As you know Data compiled by the UNFCCC Secretariat shows that developed countries have fallen far short of their formal pledges to reduce deadly greenhouse gas emissions, fulfilling only about one-quarter of the cuts urged by scientists. There is also a strong attempt to bring in false solutions like carbon markets and speculative and untested technologies of geoengineering that are used as dangerous distractions from real emission cuts that need to happen urgently and immediately.

We strongly echo the demands from our comrades in ENGO CAN, WGC, YOUNGO, TUNGO, and IPO. Access to the UNFCCC and global climate policy space is critical for civil society. Collectively we represent millions of people in the Global South who are at the frontline of this crisis and are increasingly being left behind within this process. We cannot ignore the contrast between shrinking of meaningful space for rightsholder constituencies on one hand, and the vastly increasing power and influence of the polluting interests like the fossil fuel lobbyists over this process on the other hand. For us, enhancing observer engagement requires ensuring that that engagement does not come at the cost of introducing conflicting interests that risk the integrity of the very UNFCCC objectives and process, and that displace the lived experience and expertise of rights holders. We call on your support to convene a public, formal way for observers to engage in dedicated, constructive, deep dialogue with parties on this topic, and to take all possible measures to safeguard against the undue influence of polluting interests. 

And we call on you to strengthen the disclosure requirements instituted last year, in time for strengthened measures to come into place for COP29 registration. Specifically, we request that all observer participants be required to disclose who is funding their participation in talks before receiving theri registration. We strongly believe this lies within the remit of the secretariat, and is the type of bold action that is needed now. A type of boldness that has also been echoed by the UN Secretary General in his comments earlier this week. The world is looking to you to give a strong signal that this hall of climate action is not overrun with the very actors that have caused the climate crisis. 

Interventions, SB60

 INTERVENTION BY GLOBAL CAMPAIGN TO DEMAND CLIMATE JUSTICE AT ARRANGEMENT OF INTERGOVERNMENTAL MEETINGS

My name is Rachel Rose Jackson and I am speaking on behalf of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice. 

We cannot ignore the contrast between shrinking of meaningful space for rightsholder constituencies on one hand, and the vastly increasing power and influence of the polluting interests over this process on the other hand. 

We also do not see the various issues raised during this session as separate but deeply interlinked—the issues of regional balance, increase in observers, enhancing engagement, and managing capacity all require Parties to consider who is here, why, and whether they represent interests that fundamentally undermine the very objectives the UNFCCC is established to deliver. 

For us, enhancing observer engagement requires ensuring that that engagement does not come at the cost of introducing conflicting interests that risk the integrity of the very UNFCCC objectives and process, and that displace the lived experience and expertise of rights holders. 

We call on Parties to invite observers to engage in dedicated, constructive, deep dialogue on this topic, and to take measures to safeguard against the undue influence of polluting interests. In addition, Parties should draw on established international precedents and to acknowledge here the need address these vested interests. 

This includes the establishment of an Accountability framework that prevent entities with private, polluting interests from unduly influencing or undermining UNFCCC activities and processes through their engagement as representatives of non-governmental organizations; strengthen the process for admission and accreditation of observers within the UNFCCC and its convenings. 

Interventions, SB60

INTERVENTION BY GLOBAL CAMPAIGN TO DEMAND CLIMATE JUSTICE ON SeS JOINT WORK ON CLIMATE ACTION ON FOOD AND AGRICULTURE

Thank you co-facilitator. I am Pang Delgra speaking on behalf of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice. 

While we welcome the sense of urgency to move forward, we warn about using external multistakeholder initiatives as a coordination mechanism for this Joint work. These initiatives threaten the democratic spirit that the Convention embodies, are influenced by corporate interests, and lack adequate representation of civil society and marginalized communities. They enable false solutions —- such as carbon offsets, ‘carbon farming’,  and ‘carbon capture’— that are heavily promoted by the agribusiness sector to keep business as usual in place of food sovereignty and agroecology as a real solution.

We call for a revision of the definition of “sustainable agriculture” in Annex 3, par. 2, and urge you to closely examine and avoid references to Climate Smart Agriculture, Nature-Based Solutions, Sustainable Intensification’, Regenerative agriculture, and other approaches that are not properly defined and have proven to be harmful or ineffective. Keeping this in the text would set an absolutely terrible precedent and unscrutinized definition of “sustainable approaches in agriculture” into UN language. 

We welcome workshops on Systemic and holistic approaches to climate action and would like to see these workshops open to observers. We also hope that to make up for the time lost they would be done earlier than indicated in the text, and start at COP29 and to hold more sessions.

Reminded by the recent floods, fires, and heat waves affecting every region worldwide, we urge you to respond to the urgent need to build resilient food systems.

Interventions, SB60

INTERVENTION BY GLOBAL CAMPAIGN TO DEMAND CLIMATE JUSTICE ON GST ANNUAL DIALOGUE AT ROUNDTABLE 3 ON INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION 

Thank you co-facilitators.

I am Victor Menotti of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice speaking on behalf of Environmental NGOs.

ENGOs were asked to address the topic of international cooperation, an idea in the Paris Agreement‘s Article 14, which says, “in the light of equity and the best available science…the global stocktake SHALL inform Parties in…enhancing international cooperation“, thus making it integral for action going forward.

One main principle for effective cooperation is everyone doing their fair share, which is consistent with equity, in any collective effort. If major players shirk their responsibilities, then trust deteriorates, cooperation collapses and we fail to meet our common goal.

Economists call violators of this principle “free riders“ because they benefit from doing disproportionately little, while letting others bear the burden of caring for common goods. Even President Biden pushes for all Americans to pay their fair share of taxes.

Yet at yesterday’s NDC Roundtable, we saw considerable comment, and some confusion, not on aligning actions with 1.5C, but on how countries can do it equitably.

While NDCs might be, by definition, decided domestically, they must also be informed by international realities. If not, we will fail.

Since the Paris Agreement, civil society has used a climate equity calculator that shows, according to each country’s historical responsibilities and respective capabilities, its equitable contribution to the global effort of – not dividing a blown carbon budget – but actually achieving 1.5C equitably.  It includes the level of international cooperation required, because it is integral to getting to our goal equitably. 

Several Parties have also developed methodologies to quantify equitable contributions, beginning with Brazil from 25 years ago, as well as Switzerland, India, China, and who knows how many others. That‘s why ENGOs are urging Parties to use the GST Dialogue to discuss these methodologies, to debate their merits, and to urge countries to use them in developing their NDCs.  It’s not too late, so we again ask Parties to take up this discussion, formally or informally, but before you determine your contribution, and urgently.

GST outcomes also need cooperation to advance COP28‘s headline outcome of “transitioning from fossil fuels,“ since 60% of today‘s developed reserves must remain in the ground to stay within 1.5C. But doing this equitably, orderly and responsibly means cooperating on a level that is still unimaginable for many people today, yet the survival of our planet and its peoples depend on it; not in the future, but now. 

Cooperation on fossil fuels, to be fair, requires the largest historical polluters who are still major producers to be the first and fastest to phase out. For example, the US “pause“ on new LNG export permits must be made permanent, and put into its NDC. And its record oil output rapidly reduced so it stops undercutting stable prices that other oil-producing countries need to finance their own transitions.

Cooperation on finance means not only agreeing at COP29 on a quantum, its quality, etc., but delivering on that deal through updated NDCs with non-mitigation elements of finance and technology.  For the largest historical polluters to cut their emissions by merely the global average is one form of free riding, but then failing to provide the finance and technology they committed to provide further degrades trust and deepens the crisis.

Cooperation can also advance non-market approaches for forests and land to mobilize Means of Implementation for GST‘s goal of reversing deforestation by 2030, recognizing that carbon finance is not climate finance.

As ES SImon Steill noted at the Petersberg Climate Dialogue, NCQG outcomes also depend  on what happens outside UNFCCC, from reforming MDBs to mobilizing private finance. That’s why NDCs could also incorporate actions resulting from other arenas of international cooperation, including:

– Debt reduction in ongoing restructuring talks;

– Tax justice through a new UN Tax Convention;

– Relaxing monopoly patents for intellectual property rights

– Reforming discriminatory world trade rules against developing countries

– Shifting fossil fuel subsidies toward energy sufficiency, efficiency, and renewables

– Redirecting military budgets toward climate finance while reducing military emissions.

All of these areas will provide more fiscal space to developing country budgets and significantly lower the overall bill for NCQG.

International cooperation must take many forms to fit the purpose of protecting our planet and its peoples, so see this as just a beginner’s list to get us going on what must become a new era of diplomacy that delivers climate justice.

Interventions, SB60

INTERVENTION BY GLOBAL CAMPAIGN TO DEMAND CLIMATE JUSTICE ON ARTICLE 6.4 STAKEHOLDER DIALOGUE

Thank you for the opportunity to take the floor. I am Dr. Tamra Gilbertson with the Indigenous Environmental Network and I am speaking on behalf of Demand Climate Justice and Climate Action Network International that constitute the environmental NGO constituency group. This is our overall general statement but we may come back on the other two groups of questions in more detail. 

While we welcome the initiative to hold this engagement session and would encourage more sessions in the future, we are disappointed in the limited opportunity for participation provided for non-Party rightsholders, given that only one slot has been provided to all constituencies and to ENGOs (which is comprised of two constituencies). This is unfortunately reflective of how the Supervisory Body has implemented consultations and engagement with stakeholders, where consultations and submission timelines are far too short and engagement with stakeholders is often late in the meetings leaving little opportunity to engage prior to when decisions are made.

Given the limited time, numerous questions that were circulated, and that I am representing many groups, my remarks will focus on general cross-cutting issues.

Overall, we remain concerned about the ongoing process of the Article 6.4 Supervisory Body to revise its draft recommendations on removal activities and methodological requirements, while concurrently developing numerous related operational tools given the limited time of Supervisory Body members to adequately consider ongoing concerns about permanence and related issues in submissions by multiple observer organizations. Activity Participants and the acquiring Parties must address reversal risk. Those who will be “benefitting” from projects by buying and using the credits to offset their emissions rather than taking direct action should ensure that there are no reversals. This should include monitoring well beyond the crediting period as reversals could occur later in time. 

Numerous NGOs, CSOs, and groups representing Indigenous Peoples from a range of countries have continually voiced serious concerns about the environmental, social and human risks that carbon markets can pose, which the past work of the Supervisory Body has not appropriately addressed. The SD Tool will not be sufficient. We continue to share these concerns and are not convinced that the Supervisory Body will be able to adequately resolve these outstanding issues in the limited time remaining before COP29, where there is considerable pressure on Parties to agree on the Supervisory Body’s recommendations on removals and methodological principles.

Regarding question 3, we do not believe that REDD+ activities should feature in the Article 6.4 mechanism at the project-level or jurisdictional-level. First, to be clear, REDD+ under the Warsaw Framework is not meant to generate carbon credits and was not designed for this purpose. Second, regarding REDD+ on the voluntary carbon markets, numerous peer-reviewed studies have shown that REDD+ used has led to unchecked over-issuance of credits. While many in these halls continue to hail REDD+ as a successful program, there are several documented cases of REDD+ projects leading to serious violations to the rights of Indigenous Peoples.  REDD+ has a history of ignoring Free Prior and Informed Consent, increasing conflict within communities, and giving rise to  human rights violations. These are serious concerns that continue to go unchecked and what seems to be purposely ignored. 

Further, we would like to note that the appeal and grievance process was rushed and now lacks appropriate human rights language and the rights of Indigenous Peoples under UNDRIP. 

Regarding question 4, carbon markets and offsets are NOT climate finance and should not be regarded as such or substituted for the much needed direct and non-debt causing finance for mitigation, adaptation, and loss & damage that is the responsibility of developed countries.  It is beyond the mandate of this SB. 

We strongly urge the SB to urge Parties to understand that there is no room in the global carbon budget for offsetting if we are to limit temperature rise to 1.5* and to prohibit the use of REDD+ as a carbon offsets in Article 6.4. Carbon markets are not climate finance. This would be a remarkably dangerous precedent to set. Parties agreed to a Fossil Fuel Phase Out at COP28, and should progress with [scaled up climate finance, ambitious NDCs, and] long-term strategies to accomplish this phase-out of fossil fuel and greenhouse gas emissions.

For the sake of time, I will conclude my remarks here.

Interventions, SB60

INTERVENTION BY GLOBAL CAMPAIGN TO DEMAND CLIMATE JUSTICE AT SB60 OPENING PLENARY SESSION

My name is Thomas Joseph  from The Hoopa Valley Tribe of IPs. 

I’m with Indigenous Environmental Network, delivering this statement on behalf of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice, or DCJ.  

Despite the Dubai decision to “transition from fossil fuels,” climate catastrophes are occurring more frequently and with greater degrees of severity. 

That means we need more clarity on how Global Stocktake outputs apply to make more ambitious and EQUITABLE Nationally Determined Contributions. 

The GST recognized historical emissions, and how developed countries have used up most of the carbon budget.

Limiting warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius EQUITABLY requires countries who got rich first by burning fossil fuels must be the first and fastest to phase them out. The world needs them to end their expansion now, and center these efforts in their NDCs.

Dubai’s GST also made clear the failures of developed countries to deliver on their commitments to provide climate finance, and that Baku’s big decision will be agreeing on a New Collective Quantified Goal.

That means developed countries must mobilize the money by redirecting military budgets, shifting fossil fuel subsidies towards real solutions and not towards dangerous distractions, reforming world trade rules, waiving patents on climate technologies, canceling debts, and taxing wealthy polluters, among many other areas where we know the world’s wealth exists.

Carbon finance is NOT climate finance, and selling it as such serves only polluters. 

We need reparations, and we need them to go towards real solutions – those developed by peoples who are at the frontlines and suffer the disproportionate impacts of the climate crisis.

Lastly, we cannot ignore that rich countries are mobilizing more money towards war like in Palestine than for climate action. We reiterate that the struggle for human rights and the fight for climate justice are inextricably linked. Both are driven by the need to challenge systems of oppression and exploitation that prioritize profit and power over people and the planet. The colonial extractive systems that underpin the current climate crisis are the same systems that fuel conflict and human rights abuses.

We call on governments and civil society to join us in challenging the systems of oppression and exploitation that threaten our planet and our future. There is no climate justice without human rights. 

#CeasefireNow

#PayUp

Interventions, SB58

Intervention by Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice at SB58 Closing Plenary Session

Delivered by Chadli Sadorra of Asian Peoples’ Movement on Debt and Development on behalf of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice

Thank you Chair.

I am Chadli Sadorra from the Philippines and the Asian Peoples’ Movement on Debt and Development, speaking on behalf of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice.

DCJ departs from Bonn deeply disturbed by developed countries’ doubling-down on their obstruction these past ten days.  

They are playing with peoples’ lives and livelihoods, and indeed our entire planet, as if it’s one more free trade deal to get done, and “stick it” to the Global South.  

It was thirty years ago in Rio when some countries claimed that their lifestyles were “not up for negotiation”.

Yet even today, as they choke on smoke from raging wildfires, they still reject their historical responsibility as “unacceptable”. 

North America’s 4% of the global population is responsible for almost one-quarter of all emissions since 1850.  Let me repeat, 4% is responsible for about 24%.

This crucial IPCC data point is pivotal if the Global Stocktake is to truly assess “how we got here, and how we correct course”.

Such data must be discussed in the Technical Dialogue’s synthesis report to inform the GST’s political dialogue, and any Dubai decisions.

DCJ will not let the GST become a sham.  Article 2.1c’s aim of “aligning all financial flows” is indeed important. 

But imposing a hierarchy that prioritizes this task before prior commitments – whereby developed countries SHALL provide finance to developing countries – is dirty diplomacy diverting discussion from legal obligations.  

Calling for new Renewable Energy targets without securing any new support for finance and technology is another trap we won’t fall for.

What we need for a big breakthrough in Dubai is for rich countries to “come clean” at COP28, to accept their responsibilities, to fully deliver on their obligations, and to help lead a rapid, just, and equitable phaseout of fossil fuels and building renewable energy systems that ensures everyone’s  just transition.

DCJ and allies are escalating our efforts over the next few months; we’ll make sure you feel the heat before you get to Dubai, so that the rest of the world won’t roast.

Thank you.

Interventions, SB58

Intervention by Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice at Closing Plenary on Global Stocktake

Delivered by Asad Rehman from War on Want on behalf of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice.

DCJ stresses the need for the GST Technical Dialogue’s summary report to clearly reference IPCC’s scientific findings on historic responsibility, as well as various assessments showing the shortfalls in developed countries’ support to developing countries.

Recently published academic research in Nature Sustainability estimates that the economic cost of the inequitable colonization of the carbon budget by rich countries is calculated at $170 trillion which is in addition to wealth & resource extraction from the global South which from 1960 to the present day is calculated as $152 trillion. 

For this Technical Dialogue to transparently inform the GST’s key political messages going into COP28, clear data points about “where we are, and how we got here” are essential inputs to equitably “correcting course” in any Dubai decision.

Including an honest assessment of the collective failure of developed countries to meet all the implementation gaps in Mitigation, Adaptation, Loss and Damage and Means of Implementation stemming from their historical responsibility.  

The only transparent way to equitably correct course is with a “fair shares” framework to inform Parties’ future NDCs, which must not be mitigation-centric but also include sufficient grant based support for developing countries as a down payment on their climate debt.


DCJ also emphasizes the need for renewed international cooperation to
ensure a just transition for everyone to have the right to live with dignity – including debt cancellation, economic diversification support, & an end to structural inequality by transforming today’s outdated multilateral rules & institutions governing global trade, finance, investment and technology – 

To ensure an equitable phaseout of fossil fuels and scale-up of renewables alongside measures recognizing material & ecological limits with the necessary support needed for truly just transitions.

Thank you.

Interventions, SB58

Intervention by Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice at Open-ended consultation by the Incoming COP 28/CMP 18/CMA 5 Presidency

Delivered by Gadir Lavadenz on behalf of Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice

Thank you Mr/Madam Chair,

The Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice would like to stress the following:

  • An equitable and funded phase out of fossil fuels is urgently needed and COP 28 should deliver a pathway to achieve that on the timeline needed
  • Carbon markets, offsets, so called ¨nature based solutions¨ and geo engineering, which is under a de facto moratorium under the Convention on Biological Diversity, are false solutions that are unproven, risky, cause harm and only divert us from addressing the real causes of climate change. 
  • A just, equitable and rapid transition is needed but through a delivery of climate debt and public finance under the principle of CBDR. Much of what has been provided in terms of finance including from the MDBs are mainly loans, with only a small portion being grants. With more and more developing countries in debt distress, loans are not the right instrument. There is clearly a greater need for non-debt creating instruments.
  • The principle of inclusivity is meant for the marginalized groups and not for the powerful ones to be able to shape the negotiations. The world is losing faith and we need to deliver in the right direction.

A legitimate COP is a fossil fuel free COP. We must end undue influence of polluters in climate action. There is no climate justice without human rights. 

Thank you