Thank you. I am speaking on behalf of both ENGOs the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice and Climate Action Network International.

On Synergies Across the UN System and Beyond, specifically “Cross-border impacts of climate related trade measures”

We agree that the issue of unilateral trade measures not only has a recognized status under the Convention (particularly in Article 3.5), but is also within the agreed upon scope of the JTWP, particularly under Article 2 (C) of Decision 3/CMA.5, which addresses the challenges and barriers relating to sustainable development and poverty eradication as part of transition.

However, unilateral trade measures are not the only trade-related challenge or barrier to equitable and just transitions. There are several global trade rules and measures that prevent technology transfer to developing countries and fetter developing countries’ ability for implementing industrial policies and economic diversification that can accelerate just transitions. 

We do not need to list these now, but we believe that broader trade rules and measures, whether multilateral or unilateral, as they relate to or constrict domestic climate actions and just transition implementation, should be addressed by the JTWP and the Global Just Transition Mechanism that civil society groups are proposing.

Additionally, we would also like to support Parties that have expressed the importance of flagging the connection between the JTWP and the Financial Mechanism and the call for them to expand provision of and access to funding for the development and implementation of Just transition policies, plans, programmes and practices, including through the provision of additional, non-debt inducing, public climate finance.

Lastly, When it comes to ensuring the transition does not worsen existing gender inequalities, we would like to remind Parties that the Gender Action Plan is an existing implementable framework, whose activities can connect to just transition. Work under the Just Transition Work Programme should be clearly synergised with the GAP

This is Pang from the Philippines, speaking on behalf of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice and Environmental NGOs across the world. 

We appreciate this transparent and comprehensive update. We also deeply appreciate the space given for observers to share our views. 

In AR 6, it was already reported that hard and soft adaptation limits have been reached in some ecosystems and regions. AR6 also confirms that current global financial flows for adaptation are insufficient for and constrain implementation of adaptation action in developing countries. We can all agree that this paints a bleak picture of global adaptation efforts, and we foresee adaptation gaps to grow from now until AR7 is released 3 years from now.

This is why we hope that AR7 would be useful in supporting Parties’ urgent implementation of adaptation action, instead of being an empty intellectual process.

In your presentation, you mentioned how indicators are covered in multiple parts of the AR7 outline. Could we clarify that these indicators you mentioned are the GGA indicators and not another separate set? 

If these indicators you refer to are not the same as the GGA indicators, may we clarify how the GGA indicators will come into the AR7 report? GGA indicators will be ready by COP30, which should be enough time to fold them into AR7 in your first meeting on indicators in March 2026. 

Again, as movements representing those bearing the brunt of the ongoing climate catastrophe, our goal is for AR7 to support real adaptation action on the ground and to work in concert with outcomes here at the UNFCCC. We warn against unnecessary duplication that would not only waste valuable public funds but would render party-driven work in GGA indicator development irrelevant.

Hoping for clarity here. Thank you.

My name is Claire Miranda from Demand Climate Justice, speaking on behalf of ENGO.

I want to disclose that I am not affiliated with, nor supported by any fossil fuel entity. 

Today’s NDC Dialogue asks crucial questions which we want to address by urging Parties to consider their NDCs— for both ambition AND equity. The only way NDCs will add up to adequate collective action is if all agree to do their fair share.

Almost all countries will claim their contributions are aligned with the 1.5C temperature goal, but parties who contributed the most to today’s climate crisis must also contribute the most to collective global efforts. That means countries with the highest historical emissions and respective capabilities must do their “fair share” — by cutting emissions faster and deeper than the mere global average, and by providing support at scale commensurate with needs.

It is therefore not enough for countries with the greatest historical responsibilities to merely cut their domestic emissions by the global average of 60% by 2035, as urged by the IPCC. That figure is a global benchmark — not a free pass for polluters. If you polluted more, you must reduce more, and do so faster. Because higher responsibility demands higher ambition. Parties can refer to the Climate Equity Reference Calculator, which is readily available online, to know how much are their fair shares.

During the first Global Stocktake, we heard it repeatedly: the GST must inform the next round of NDCs. That cannot be reduced to vague intentions — it must translate into action. It means fast emission reductions, especially from developed countries. It means financing real fossil fuel phaseout plans – including oil and gas. It means protecting and restoring ecosystems, and halting and reversing deforestation and degradation. It means fully funding adaptation and just transition plans in the Global South. And above all, it means the provision of sufficient, predictable, and grant-based climate finance — in both quantity and quality — from developed to developing countries.

We are disappointed with the first NDCs published so far — most fall far short of what this moment demands. Alarmingly, we just learned that just four Global North countries are collectively responsible for nearly 70% of projected new oil and gas expansion from 2025 to 2035. These are the very countries that should be leading the energy transition — not doubling down on fossil fuels and business-as-usual. Their NDCs must show a clear, urgent pathway to a full, fair, and funded fossil fuel phaseout.

We call on all Parties to honor the promises of the GST and deliver NDCs aligned with the 1.5°C goal, rooted in climate justice. And we expect developed countries — with their historic responsibility and vast resources — to lead the way, not obstruct it.

Thank you.

The path from Baku to Belém must not become another road paved with broken promises and delayed justice. The demand is clear, and the answer is simple: the Global North must deliver—Fully. Urgently. Unconditionally. And in line with CBDR and equity.

It is not a matter of charity. It is about justice, a matter of reparations to climate debt, of historical responsibility, and of justice.

In Baku, we saw again how this process continues to be manipulated to favor the interests of the Global North, with decisions made abruptly and without transparency or accountability. What should be a matter of justice has been reduced to a mere diplomatic exercise, detached from the urgent realities on the ground. We have to emphasize: this is not about diplomacy, it’s about peoples survival, and survival cannot be negotiated.

The Global North may celebrate the $1.3 trillion per year as a victory—as if it was bold, as if it was historic. IT IS NOT. The scale of climate impacts  as shown in the and the documented needs across the Global South—reflected in the Needs Determination Report and lived daily by frontline communities—make clear that this figure is far from enough.

And so, if the number is already gravely inadequate, the quality must not fail too. The Roadmap must not become yet another hollow declaration of intent. We need to know – how will climate finance be delivered? How will developed countries increase their provision of climate finance to contribute to the $300 billion target? On what terms? Through which channels? With what priorities? Because when climate finance comes in the form of loans, creating new debt, when it supports fossil fuel expansion, or when it bypasses the very communities most impacted, it is not climate finance—it is exploitation repackaged as solidarity, injustice disguised as support.

So let’s be honest: the question really is not capacity. It is political will. And if justice is the goal, here is what the Roadmap must deliver::

1. Finance for loss and damage must be clearly included in the roadmap part of the roadmap—fully funded, not deferred and be used to allow . The roadmap must not help polluters escape from taking responsibility for the losses and damages they created.
   
2. The roadmap must sketch out how to significantly scale up public grant finance for adaptation such as through tripling adaptation finance by 2030 as suggested by the LDCs.
   
3. No more loans and debt-creating mechanisms. It is time to stop pretending that these are climate support. Climate finance must come through public grants, not financial instruments that entrench dependency and push the Global South deeper into poverty.
   
4. Every public and private institution must immediately pull out of coal, oil, and gas. Continued investment in fossil fuel infrastructure is not just immoral—it is a direct assault on life and the planet.
   
5. The richest individuals and corporations must be taxed. Climate justice is impossible without wealth redistribution, and the global transition must be paid for by those who have profited most from extraction and exploitation.
   
6. Funding war and genocide must end. Slash military budgets. End arms deals. Fund climate justice, not destruction.
   
7. Guarantee direct access for frontline communities. The Roadmap must protect and expand direct access for developing countries, Indigenous Peoples, local communities, and other most affected groups through dedicated, simplified, and decolonized channels.
   
8. Climate finance cannot be left to markets that prioritize profit over people. The Private Sector, MDBs and IFIs must stop imposing conditionalities, pushing loans, and reinforcing colonial power structures. The roadmap must reject models that extract more than they give and instead commit to public, grant-based finance that empowers communities, not creditors.
   
9. Global North governments must present clear, enforceable plans for climate finance delivery, backed by annual targets, transparent mechanisms, and legal accountability. No more vague declarations. No more pledges that vanish after the headlines. It’s time for real delivery, with justice at its core.

The prosperity of the Global North was built on the lands, labor, and suffering of the Global South. That history cannot be erased—and it must not be ignored in the face of a crisis the Global South did not create.

What the Baku to Belem Roadmap must now deliver is not another round of promises. It demands a decisive break from the systems of exploitation that created this crisis. That break begins with the full, timely, and unconditional delivery of climate finance obligations. Anything less is not just insufficient—it is injustice.

My name is Pang from the Philippines, delivering this intervention on behalf of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice, one of the Environmental NGOs.

We congratulate the room in streamlining indicators and are happy to support the work in finalizing this by COP30.

As movements representing grassroots communities in the Global South that are ravaged by climate impacts as we speak, we would like to remind Parties that your work here affects real lives. The lives of frontline communities comprised of Indigenous peoples, women, youth, smallholder food producers, workers, and other vulnerable groups who bear the brunt of the climate crisis. A crisis that was borne out of decades of exploitation, resource extraction, and plundering of the Global South by the Global North.

The adaptation finance needs of the Global South are 18x the current public finance flows, which are declining year on year. We warn that every dollar of adaptation finance withheld translates to a hundredfold loss and damage costs for the Global South and every year it is delayed translates to lives lost.

That all said, we urge you to strengthen indicators on the Means of Implementation to ensure that they track the public adaptation finance provision from developed to developing countries, ensure that the quality of this financing is grants-based and accessible, and whether it has been spent with the view of centering the most vulnerable grassroots communities. We also support Parties’ move to remove any indicators on ODA and national budgets as they are beyond the scope of the UNFCCC and help developed countries skirt their legal obligation to provide climate finance. 

Let us, as observers, remind you that people across the globe see through the delay and deception. You will be judged based on how you unlock real climate action and not simply whether you shortened a list of thousand indicators. We hope you proceed with the view of ensuring adaptation action on the ground is implemented and funded now, not later. Thank you.

Climate Action Network and Demand Climate justice, both ENGO constituencies, give a lot of importance to this JTWP delivering concrete outcomes as soon as possible, starting in Belem.

We have been reflecting since Baku on what actions taken here can make the lives and livelihoods of workers and communities better – we are happy to share them with all parties

In brief, they fit very well in your structure

Under Operationalisation of the WP and joining our colleagues from Trade unions, We have elaborated a proposal for a global JT mechanism to accelerate progress on the ground and support coordination of multiple initiatives within and outside unfccc, that would consolidate the WP as a knowledge sharing arm while opening also a coordination function for initiatives within and outside UNFCCC and an action arm, where many initiatives could be taken, such a help desk for countries and territories seeking support, capacity, technology

We recognize and appreciate how parties have been acknowledging the necessity of inclusivity, consultation, and participation of rights holders in JT measures and policies. We hope this recognition can be concretized through a COP decision calling on or encouraging all countries to establish these national participatory institutions, including but not limited to tripartite social dialogue mechanisms for trade unions

We do see here also the development of a guidance framework /principles as an important way to secure key human, labour and indigenous peoples rights and the participation of women, youth, workers, disabled people and people of african descent, our participation in JT initiatives at all levels, as well as the right to energy, water, food, among other key dimensions.

Under Support for JT pathways

We would like to encourage parties to recognise that the design and implementation of Just Transition policies, plans, programmes and practices will be supported with means of implementation and provided with new, additional, adequate, non-debt-creating, and predictable climate finance.

On Additional guidance, we think we should be clear on dimensions where JT plays a critical role, including on fossil fuels, renewables, critical minerals, agriculture/food systems, industry, transport, care economy, adaptation, among others)

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My name is Pang from the Philippines, delivering this intervention on behalf of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice, one of the Environmental NGOs.

For many years, we have brought the voices of frontline agroecological communities into these negotiations, and they have repeatedly lauded the benefits of agroecology, which many Parties have echoed today. Yet we continue to see support for industrial animal agriculture and its expansion in the Global South. No more. Let this be the day that business as usual ends.

With utmost urgency, echoing the movements we represent, ENGOs share these key points:

FIRST – Agroecology is THE foremost holistic solution in agriculture, both as a mitigation and adaptation strategy.

Evidence from communities has proven that agroecology approaches, including agroforestry, are real climate solutions. On the one hand, agroecology strengthens climate adaptation. But agroecology also cuts emissions because, unlike industrial agriculture, it does not rely on fossil-fuel-based inputs or drive deforestation.

Beyond climate wins, agroecology also delivers on multiple SDGs, supporting biodiversity and restoring degraded lands, making it a key strategy for delivering on UN Conventions on Biodiversity and Desertification. Agroecology also boosts employment in agriculture, unlike industrial agriculture, which displaces human employment and consolidates land and wealth in fewer and fewer hands.

Our members are already implementing thousands of agroecology projects that show real proof of agroecology’s benefits. In Latin America, agroforestry transformed degraded land into a lush forest, improved climate resilience, and generated income for Indigenous communities. In Asia, community seed houses, intercropping, and rainwater harvesting protected farms from climate shocks. In Africa, communities practiced agroecological land restoration, knowledge sharing, and early warning systems.

Having achieved multiple co-benefits in communities across the world, agroecology is THE most cost-effective way to spend public funds to deliver on multiple wins.

NEXT SLIDE – Systemic approaches should look at opportunities up and down the supply chain.

In fact, IPCC says that food security under the climate crisis can only be achieved through the combination of supply-side and demand-side interventions. For example, on the supply side, high-consuming countries must reduce food waste, while on the demand side, they must reduce consumption of industrial animal-based food that drives deforestation and pollution.

NEXT SLIDE – We need to phase out industrial agriculture and initiate just transitions to agroecology.

We need to urgently end business as usual, phase out industrial agriculture, and initiate a just transition towards equitable/ humane / and agroecological food systems.

This transition can only be just if Indigenous Peoples, women, youth, people of color, workers, fishers, and farmers, who are currently exploited by industrial agriculture, are leading this new agroecological future. We encourage Parties to work with their colleagues in the Just Transition Work Programme to ensure that vulnerable groups have training, reskilling, social protection, and support for livelihood diversification.

NEXT SLIDE – Systemic approaches to climate action in food require a transformation of governance.

Deep reform of the governance of our food system towards democratic and equitable models is needed, with a strong accountability framework both at the national and global level, that ensures equal participation of vulnerable groups and no vested interests.

NEXT SLIDE – Agroecological approaches should be prioritised for scaled-up grants-based climate finance.

Scaled-up grants-based climate finance is essential to achieving our collective vision for systemic, holistic, and agroecological-based climate action in agriculture. We are looking forward to contributing to the next workshop on Means of Implementation, to ensure that financing is accessible and beneficial to vulnerable grassroots communities.

Thank you.