Category Archives: Interventions

INTERVENTION BY GLOBAL CAMPAIGN TO DEMAND CLIMATE JUSTICE ON GST ANNUAL DIALOGUE AT ROUNDTABLE 3 ON INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION 

Thank you co-facilitators.

I am Victor Menotti of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice speaking on behalf of Environmental NGOs.

ENGOs were asked to address the topic of international cooperation, an idea in the Paris Agreement‘s Article 14, which says, “in the light of equity and the best available science…the global stocktake SHALL inform Parties in…enhancing international cooperation“, thus making it integral for action going forward.

One main principle for effective cooperation is everyone doing their fair share, which is consistent with equity, in any collective effort. If major players shirk their responsibilities, then trust deteriorates, cooperation collapses and we fail to meet our common goal.

Economists call violators of this principle “free riders“ because they benefit from doing disproportionately little, while letting others bear the burden of caring for common goods. Even President Biden pushes for all Americans to pay their fair share of taxes.

Yet at yesterday’s NDC Roundtable, we saw considerable comment, and some confusion, not on aligning actions with 1.5C, but on how countries can do it equitably.

While NDCs might be, by definition, decided domestically, they must also be informed by international realities. If not, we will fail.

Since the Paris Agreement, civil society has used a climate equity calculator that shows, according to each country’s historical responsibilities and respective capabilities, its equitable contribution to the global effort of – not dividing a blown carbon budget – but actually achieving 1.5C equitably.  It includes the level of international cooperation required, because it is integral to getting to our goal equitably

Several Parties have also developed methodologies to quantify equitable contributions, beginning with Brazil from 25 years ago, as well as Switzerland, India, China, and who knows how many others. That‘s why ENGOs are urging Parties to use the GST Dialogue to discuss these methodologies, to debate their merits, and to urge countries to use them in developing their NDCs.  It’s not too late, so we again ask Parties to take up this discussion, formally or informally, but before you determine your contribution, and urgently.

GST outcomes also need cooperation to advance COP28‘s headline outcome of “transitioning from fossil fuels,“ since 60% of today‘s developed reserves must remain in the ground to stay within 1.5C. But doing this equitably, orderly and responsibly means cooperating on a level that is still unimaginable for many people today, yet the survival of our planet and its peoples depend on it; not in the future, but now

Cooperation on fossil fuels, to be fair, requires the largest historical polluters who are still major producers to be the first and fastest to phase out. For example, the US “pause“ on new LNG export permits must be made permanent, and put into its NDC. And its record oil output rapidly reduced so it stops undercutting stable prices that other oil-producing countries need to finance their own transitions.

Cooperation on finance means not only agreeing at COP29 on a quantum, its quality, etc., but delivering on that deal through updated NDCs with non-mitigation elements of finance and technology.  For the largest historical polluters to cut their emissions by merely the global average is one form of free riding, but then failing to provide the finance and technology they committed to provide further degrades trust and deepens the crisis.

Cooperation can also advance non-market approaches for forests and land to mobilize Means of Implementation for GST‘s goal of reversing deforestation by 2030, recognizing that carbon finance is not climate finance.

As ES SImon Steill noted at the Petersberg Climate Dialogue, NCQG outcomes also depend  on what happens outside UNFCCC, from reforming MDBs to mobilizing private finance. That’s why NDCs could also incorporate actions resulting from other arenas of international cooperation, including:

– Debt reduction in ongoing restructuring talks;

– Tax justice through a new UN Tax Convention;

– Relaxing monopoly patents for intellectual property rights

– Reforming discriminatory world trade rules against developing countries

– Shifting fossil fuel subsidies toward energy sufficiency, efficiency, and renewables

– Redirecting military budgets toward climate finance while reducing military emissions.

All of these areas will provide more fiscal space to developing country budgets and significantly lower the overall bill for NCQG.

International cooperation must take many forms to fit the purpose of protecting our planet and its peoples, so see this as just a beginner’s list to get us going on what must become a new era of diplomacy that delivers climate justice.

INTERVENTION BY GLOBAL CAMPAIGN TO DEMAND CLIMATE JUSTICE ON ARTICLE 6.4 STAKEHOLDER DIALOGUE

Thank you for the opportunity to take the floor. I am Dr. Tamra Gilbertson with the Indigenous Environmental Network and I am speaking on behalf of Demand Climate Justice and Climate Action Network International that constitute the environmental NGO constituency group. This is our overall general statement but we may come back on the other two groups of questions in more detail. 

While we welcome the initiative to hold this engagement session and would encourage more sessions in the future, we are disappointed in the limited opportunity for participation provided for non-Party rightsholders, given that only one slot has been provided to all constituencies and to ENGOs (which is comprised of two constituencies). This is unfortunately reflective of how the Supervisory Body has implemented consultations and engagement with stakeholders, where consultations and submission timelines are far too short and engagement with stakeholders is often late in the meetings leaving little opportunity to engage prior to when decisions are made.

Given the limited time, numerous questions that were circulated, and that I am representing many groups, my remarks will focus on general cross-cutting issues.

Overall, we remain concerned about the ongoing process of the Article 6.4 Supervisory Body to revise its draft recommendations on removal activities and methodological requirements, while concurrently developing numerous related operational tools given the limited time of Supervisory Body members to adequately consider ongoing concerns about permanence and related issues in submissions by multiple observer organizations. Activity Participants and the acquiring Parties must address reversal risk. Those who will be “benefitting” from projects by buying and using the credits to offset their emissions rather than taking direct action should ensure that there are no reversals. This should include monitoring well beyond the crediting period as reversals could occur later in time. 

Numerous NGOs, CSOs, and groups representing Indigenous Peoples from a range of countries have continually voiced serious concerns about the environmental, social and human risks that carbon markets can pose, which the past work of the Supervisory Body has not appropriately addressed. The SD Tool will not be sufficient. We continue to share these concerns and are not convinced that the Supervisory Body will be able to adequately resolve these outstanding issues in the limited time remaining before COP29, where there is considerable pressure on Parties to agree on the Supervisory Body’s recommendations on removals and methodological principles.

Regarding question 3, we do not believe that REDD+ activities should feature in the Article 6.4 mechanism at the project-level or jurisdictional-level. First, to be clear, REDD+ under the Warsaw Framework is not meant to generate carbon credits and was not designed for this purpose. Second, regarding REDD+ on the voluntary carbon markets, numerous peer-reviewed studies have shown that REDD+ used has led to unchecked over-issuance of credits. While many in these halls continue to hail REDD+ as a successful program, there are several documented cases of REDD+ projects leading to serious violations to the rights of Indigenous Peoples.  REDD+ has a history of ignoring Free Prior and Informed Consent, increasing conflict within communities, and giving rise to  human rights violations. These are serious concerns that continue to go unchecked and what seems to be purposely ignored. 

Further, we would like to note that the appeal and grievance process was rushed and now lacks appropriate human rights language and the rights of Indigenous Peoples under UNDRIP. 

Regarding question 4, carbon markets and offsets are NOT climate finance and should not be regarded as such or substituted for the much needed direct and non-debt causing finance for mitigation, adaptation, and loss & damage that is the responsibility of developed countries.  It is beyond the mandate of this SB. 

We strongly urge the SB to urge Parties to understand that there is no room in the global carbon budget for offsetting if we are to limit temperature rise to 1.5* and to prohibit the use of REDD+ as a carbon offsets in Article 6.4. Carbon markets are not climate finance. This would be a remarkably dangerous precedent to set. Parties agreed to a Fossil Fuel Phase Out at COP28, and should progress with [scaled up climate finance, ambitious NDCs, and] long-term strategies to accomplish this phase-out of fossil fuel and greenhouse gas emissions.

For the sake of time, I will conclude my remarks here.

INTERVENTION BY GLOBAL CAMPAIGN TO DEMAND CLIMATE JUSTICE AT SB60 OPENING PLENARY SESSION

My name is Thomas Joseph  from The Hoopa Valley Tribe of IPs. 

I’m with Indigenous Environmental Network, delivering this statement on behalf of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice, or DCJ.  

Despite the Dubai decision to “transition from fossil fuels,” climate catastrophes are occurring more frequently and with greater degrees of severity. 

That means we need more clarity on how Global Stocktake outputs apply to make more ambitious and EQUITABLE Nationally Determined Contributions. 

The GST recognized historical emissions, and how developed countries have used up most of the carbon budget.

Limiting warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius EQUITABLY requires countries who got rich first by burning fossil fuels must be the first and fastest to phase them out. The world needs them to end their expansion now, and center these efforts in their NDCs.

Dubai’s GST also made clear the failures of developed countries to deliver on their commitments to provide climate finance, and that Baku’s big decision will be agreeing on a New Collective Quantified Goal.

That means developed countries must mobilize the money by redirecting military budgets, shifting fossil fuel subsidies towards real solutions and not towards dangerous distractions, reforming world trade rules, waiving patents on climate technologies, canceling debts, and taxing wealthy polluters, among many other areas where we know the world’s wealth exists.

Carbon finance is NOT climate finance, and selling it as such serves only polluters. 

We need reparations, and we need them to go towards real solutions – those developed by peoples who are at the frontlines and suffer the disproportionate impacts of the climate crisis.

Lastly, we cannot ignore that rich countries are mobilizing more money towards war like in Palestine than for climate action. We reiterate that the struggle for human rights and the fight for climate justice are inextricably linked. Both are driven by the need to challenge systems of oppression and exploitation that prioritize profit and power over people and the planet. The colonial extractive systems that underpin the current climate crisis are the same systems that fuel conflict and human rights abuses.

We call on governments and civil society to join us in challenging the systems of oppression and exploitation that threaten our planet and our future. There is no climate justice without human rights. 

#CeasefireNow

#PayUp

Intervention by Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice at SB58 Closing Plenary Session

Delivered by Chadli Sadorra of Asian Peoples’ Movement on Debt and Development on behalf of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice

Thank you Chair.

I am Chadli Sadorra from the Philippines and the Asian Peoples’ Movement on Debt and Development, speaking on behalf of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice.

DCJ departs from Bonn deeply disturbed by developed countries’ doubling-down on their obstruction these past ten days.  

They are playing with peoples’ lives and livelihoods, and indeed our entire planet, as if it’s one more free trade deal to get done, and “stick it” to the Global South.  

It was thirty years ago in Rio when some countries claimed that their lifestyles were “not up for negotiation”.

Yet even today, as they choke on smoke from raging wildfires, they still reject their historical responsibility as “unacceptable”. 

North America’s 4% of the global population is responsible for almost one-quarter of all emissions since 1850.  Let me repeat, 4% is responsible for about 24%.

This crucial IPCC data point is pivotal if the Global Stocktake is to truly assess “how we got here, and how we correct course”.

Such data must be discussed in the Technical Dialogue’s synthesis report to inform the GST’s political dialogue, and any Dubai decisions.

DCJ will not let the GST become a sham.  Article 2.1c’s aim of “aligning all financial flows” is indeed important. 

But imposing a hierarchy that prioritizes this task before prior commitments – whereby developed countries SHALL provide finance to developing countries – is dirty diplomacy diverting discussion from legal obligations.  

Calling for new Renewable Energy targets without securing any new support for finance and technology is another trap we won’t fall for.

What we need for a big breakthrough in Dubai is for rich countries to “come clean” at COP28, to accept their responsibilities, to fully deliver on their obligations, and to help lead a rapid, just, and equitable phaseout of fossil fuels and building renewable energy systems that ensures everyone’s  just transition.

DCJ and allies are escalating our efforts over the next few months; we’ll make sure you feel the heat before you get to Dubai, so that the rest of the world won’t roast.

Thank you.

Intervention by Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice at Closing Plenary on Global Stocktake

Delivered by Asad Rehman from War on Want on behalf of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice.

DCJ stresses the need for the GST Technical Dialogue’s summary report to clearly reference IPCC’s scientific findings on historic responsibility, as well as various assessments showing the shortfalls in developed countries’ support to developing countries.

Recently published academic research in Nature Sustainability estimates that the economic cost of the inequitable colonization of the carbon budget by rich countries is calculated at $170 trillion which is in addition to wealth & resource extraction from the global South which from 1960 to the present day is calculated as $152 trillion. 

For this Technical Dialogue to transparently inform the GST’s key political messages going into COP28, clear data points about “where we are, and how we got here” are essential inputs to equitably “correcting course” in any Dubai decision.

Including an honest assessment of the collective failure of developed countries to meet all the implementation gaps in Mitigation, Adaptation, Loss and Damage and Means of Implementation stemming from their historical responsibility.  

The only transparent way to equitably correct course is with a “fair shares” framework to inform Parties’ future NDCs, which must not be mitigation-centric but also include sufficient grant based support for developing countries as a down payment on their climate debt.


DCJ also emphasizes the need for renewed international cooperation to
ensure a just transition for everyone to have the right to live with dignity – including debt cancellation, economic diversification support, & an end to structural inequality by transforming today’s outdated multilateral rules & institutions governing global trade, finance, investment and technology – 

To ensure an equitable phaseout of fossil fuels and scale-up of renewables alongside measures recognizing material & ecological limits with the necessary support needed for truly just transitions.

Thank you.

Intervention by Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice at Open-ended consultation by the Incoming COP 28/CMP 18/CMA 5 Presidency

Delivered by Gadir Lavadenz on behalf of Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice

Thank you Mr/Madam Chair,

The Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice would like to stress the following:

  • An equitable and funded phase out of fossil fuels is urgently needed and COP 28 should deliver a pathway to achieve that on the timeline needed
  • Carbon markets, offsets, so called ¨nature based solutions¨ and geo engineering, which is under a de facto moratorium under the Convention on Biological Diversity, are false solutions that are unproven, risky, cause harm and only divert us from addressing the real causes of climate change. 
  • A just, equitable and rapid transition is needed but through a delivery of climate debt and public finance under the principle of CBDR. Much of what has been provided in terms of finance including from the MDBs are mainly loans, with only a small portion being grants. With more and more developing countries in debt distress, loans are not the right instrument. There is clearly a greater need for non-debt creating instruments.
  • The principle of inclusivity is meant for the marginalized groups and not for the powerful ones to be able to shape the negotiations. The world is losing faith and we need to deliver in the right direction.

A legitimate COP is a fossil fuel free COP. We must end undue influence of polluters in climate action. There is no climate justice without human rights. 

Thank you

Intervention by Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice at SeS Joint Work

Dear Delegates, I am Enric speaking on behalf of Climate Save, Global Forest Coalition and World Animal Protection, members of the Demand Climate Justice alliance.

It is disheartening to witness the slow progress in taking action, despite the overwhelming evidence that immediate measures are necessary. 

The IPCC report is clear that if we were to halt all fossil fuel emissions immediately, the emissions originating from our food systems alone could result in a devastating increase in global temperatures, surpassing the critical threshold of 1.5 degrees Celsius. The world has demonstrated its ability to act swiftly and cohesively during the recent COVID-19 emergency. We need to channel that same sense of urgency and cooperation into addressing the negative impacts coming from the agriculture sector.

We cannot ignore the destructive practices of agribusinesses that continue to ravage our planet – such as the massive destruction to our world’s habitats caused by factory farming and its demand for animal feed. Large-scale agribusiness operations not only contribute significantly to emissions and environmental destruction, but also push away smallholders and small-scale fishers who are unable to compete, displace indigenous communities, and threaten food sovereignty. It is imperative that we address these injustices and protect the rights and livelihoods of those most affected. 

In light of this alarming reality, we urge the new joint work to prioritize the implementation of effective solutions including non-party actors in this work. False solutions such as climate smart agriculture, gene editing and so-called sustainable intensification will only serve the interests of the big polluters in the agricultural sector.

The global north should take responsibility for its historical emissions and take the lead in first reducing their animal protein production and consumption, and support the global south countries to shift towards agroecological practices and safeguard sustainable existing food systems. The global north must start by redirecting public finance to support smallholders to shift towards a just, humane and sustainable food system.

Agroecology, along with dietary shifts – as advised by the IPCC, which identified plant based proteins as having the highest mitigation potential – are urgent solutions to confront these challenges. Agroecology and dietary shifts are not just concepts; they are real and accessible solutions for our communities worldwide.

The time for action is now. We must prioritize the implementation of agroecology and truly sustainable food systems. Let us harness the lessons learned from the COVID-19 emergency and act collectively, swiftly, and decisively. 

Thank you.

Intervention by Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice at Roundtable on Means of Implementation at TED 1.3

Delivered by Meena Rama, Third World Network on behalf of ENGO – DCJ

There is a clear need for an honest assessment of the lack of adequate progress on the moi, without beating around the bush. We talk of raising ambition on climate actions, but we do not see the reciprocal ambition on the means of implementation for developing countries.

There is evidence to indicate the following:

  1. Developed countries have collectively failed in meeting their commitments on the provision and mobilisation of the financial resources that have been agreed to. This is borne out by –
    • The failure to mobilise the US$ 100 billion per year by 2020 and even up till now. While the numbers of what exactly has been mobilised and delivered vary in the SCF reports, the fact of failure to meet this commitment in a timely manner is loud and clear. This is a pre-2020 implementation gap which has been carried over to the pre-2025 timeframe.
    • This 100b goal is not based on the needs of developing countries but was a political number arrived at in Copenhagen, as we all know.
    • The SCF’s Needs Determination Report clearly indicates that what is needed at least in the pre-2030 timeframe is around $ 5-11 trillion, even with only 30% of the costs estimated in the NDCs of developing countries. Hence, the needs far outweigh what is currently available.
  2. Even the promise to deliver on the doubling of adaptation finance is far from what is needed, as seen from the various reports from various UN agencies.
  3. The Green Climate Fund and the Adaptation Fund are languishing for funds, as numerous projects in the pipelines are not able to be funded.
  4. Much of what has been provided including from the MDBs are mainly loans, with only a small portion being grants. With more and more developing countries in debt distress, loans are not the right instrument. There is clearly a greater need for non-debt creating instruments.
  5. Access to funds have not been easy to the limited funds available at the operating entities of the financial mechanism – the GCF and the GEF – with cumbersome procedures and slow disbursements. Intermediaries have largely been international entities as opposed to direct access entities from developing countries.
  6. The much hype about private finance and investment flows into developing countries. According to the SCF technical report on the 100b mobilisation report, the expectation for private finance mobilization has been severely an underperformance. The World Bank’s own ‘Scaling Solar’ project to try and leverage private finance for renewable energy projects only managed to leverage 28c private finance for every 1$ of public finance, and only with the support of generous guarantees, tax breaks and subsidies.
  7. Furthermore, access to low-cost finance is uneven as the cost of capital differs substantially between regions, with developing countries often paying an interest rate many times more to private creditors than other official creditors.[1]
  8. From recent IEA report on energy, the high cost of capital and rising borrowing costs threaten to undercut the economic attractiveness for investments in clean energy in developing countries, and that most of the positive trends in clean energy investments are leaving developing countries behind
  9. There are also studies which show that while international financial institutions (IFIs) have made progress, for example with increased climate financing and coordination from Multilateral Development Banks (MDBs), a Special Drawing Rights (SDR) allocation in 2021, and a new Resilient and Sustainability Trust (RST) from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), but IFIs have also been slow to release their financial firepower to meet the demonstrated need,[2] and continue to prioritise de-risking modalities which have little evidence of success. 
  10. There are genuine concerns over use of Article 2.1c as a way to impose new conditionalities for accessing finance in the name of enabling environments and to shift the burden and responsibility onto developing countries, contrary to article 9 of the PA. Should not make it difficult for developing c to access finance for meeting their NDC implementation.

Technology gap –

  1. In the area of climate technologies and their accessibility and transfer from developed to developing countries, progress has been insignificant and abysmal. This reality is clear. 
  2. There is indeed a technology gap which needs to be addressed for climate technologies to developing countries. There is evidence that there are intellectual property rights concerns where developed countries dominate in climate technologies patent ownership, production and trade.
  3. There are reports including from UNEP, UNCTAD and WIPO that show the dominance of developed countries in relation to low-carbon technological innovations. But these are missing in the assessment. Between 1990-2015, 80% of all low-carbon technological inventions were concentrated in developed countries. The fact that most patents for climate-relevant technologies are in developed countries has significant implications on technology transfer possibilities, as the design and use of such technologies may not be directly responsive to the needs of developing countries.
  4. These implementation gaps in finance and technologies will be further   exacerbated by developed countries’ carbon border measures and unilateral trade measures including non-tariff barriers that grossly disadvantage developing countries.  The implications of CBMs is missing in relation to the response measures.
  5. We are good in this process of setting up institutions but real delivery of the moi for delivering is not significant.

If the GST is to have meaning, it must address these gaps and challenges, not repeat the failures and mistakes and dramatically course correct. If there is political will, there will be a way. Need to see that will to realise the hopes and aspirations of esp. of the poor and the planet.


[1] Eurodad, 2021. Sleep now in the fire: Sovereign Bonds and the Covid-19 Debt Crisis. https://www.eurodad.org/sovereign_bonds_covid19;

[2] An Independent Review of Multilateral Development Banks’ Capital Adequacy Frameworks, 2022. Boosting MDBs’ investing capacity. https://g20.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/07/CAF-Review-Report.pdf

Intervention by Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice at SeS Joint Work

Dear Delegates,  I am speaking on behalf of World Animal Protection and Global Forest Coalition, members of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice. 

The interconnectivity of climate change, biodiversity loss, and food insecurity must be recognized. We must build a food system where smallholders and small-scale fishers live in dignity, one that nourishes communities, and  protects our environment for generations to come. Mainstreaming gender-transformative and responsive agriculture policies and approaches to promote  gender equity, and acknowledging women’s unique contribution and challenges in agriculture and food security is also critical. 

Given this, we are encouraging the new Joint Work to take a holistic food systems approach that considers the social and environmental impacts of both agricultural production and demand; and the co benefits of transitioning towards a humane, just and sustainable food system.

We also encourage the discussion of the new Joint Work to include a Transition Towards a Humane, and Sustainable Food system based on Agroecological Practices that would encompass soil health, biodiversity, and reduced greenhouse gas emissions. 

To meet the Paris Agreement goals, we urge the exploration of alternatives to industrial farming due to its threat to our environment and climate. We would like to echo the other constituencies in their call for a definition of “sustainable agriculture” to be carefully examined. Solutions put forward under sustainable agriculture should be accessible to and agreed together with smallholders and small scale fishers, and not serve the interest of the big polluters in the agricultural sector.

We particularly urge adherence to a holistic approach to agriculture, and avoid references to Climate Smart Agriculture, Nature Based Solutions, Regenerative agriculture, and other approaches that are not properly defined or have proven to be controversial.

We welcome the recognition of smallholders and small scale fishers, as levers of change. Smallholders and small scale fishers should be at the centre of this work, finance should be redirected towards supporting them implementing Agroecological Practices that ensure gender and social justice, food security and sovereignty, whilst protecting nature. In this regard, we call on the new joint work to prioritise mitigation opportunities in the industrial agriculture sector given their social impacts and carbon footprint. 

As it stands, our food system is unsustainable, causing hunger, habitat destruction at a terrifying rate and contributing hugely to global emissions. Without seriously rethinking our food systems and prioritizing truly sustainable approaches, we will never achieve the Paris goals.

Intervention By Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice at Global Stocktake Roundtable 1 on Mitigation

Delivered by Victor Menotti on behalf of ENGO – DCJ

EQUITY: AR6 charts B, C

GST must give guidance to align future NDCs with 1.5C and agreed principles of equity.  GST must show us where we are, how we got here, and how we can correct course. Technical Dialogue outputs must include the key inputs that illustrate how we got here.

Co-facilitators hosted an online consultation where I asked about AR6 SPM charts B and C (page 14) show 4% of global population is responsible for almost one-quarter of emissions.  

Given reactions I’ve heard here, I respectfully request CFs to reconsider how best to balance the report by including it as relevant technical data on where we are and how we got here.

IPCC shows emissions from 1990-2019, so lets another chart showing pre-2020 emissions.

If countries can call for “environmental justice” domestically, why not internationally? If countries can call for people to pay fair share of taxes, why not also with climate action?

The principles of equity are already agreed and established but now need to be implemented to enable the actual ambition we need.

REAL SOLUTIONS: CCS, CDR

– We need real solutions, not undermining Fossil Fuels phase out with CDR, CCS and other technologies still in development. There’s just no time, and also “abatement” of emissions diverts attention from equitably phasing out fossil fuels. Countries must not rely on false solutions, land remake and CDR to meet their targets, but must prioritize a phase out and forest protection for any chance for 1.5C. Calling for RE targets without support also false.

INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION: Civil Society Equity Review 

Demand: Not just production but also consumption. After Glasgow, top oil consuming countries proclaimed they would cooperate to create more supply, totally ignoring demand.

Debt cancellation

Diversification of economies

Trade, Investment, Finance and Technology

DCJ calls for “systems change, not climate change” so let that be our way forward.