Interventions, SB60

INTERVENTION BY GLOBAL CAMPAIGN TO DEMAND CLIMATE JUSTICE ON JUST TRANSITION WORK PROGRAMME

Thank you. I am Chadli Sadorra  from the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice. 

We in DCJ believe that the JTWP is one of the most promising outcomes that came out of COP28 last year. Its progress towards concrete actions on just transition is urgently required.

Which is why we regret to hear that parties aren’t able to progress in negotiations today.

Moving forward we hope parties can consider the following comments. We encourage parties to develop modalities, such as a work plan or plan of action, to ensure that this work programme reaches concrete and actionable solutions to ensure equitable and just transition for all. This work plan can be aimed at delivering key decisions and actions at COPs 30 and 31. It can also be structured to deliver concrete actions for each of the elements delineated in Article 2A to 2G of the work programme.

We do not share the view of some parties that the work programme is limited to the dialogues only. Proposing other modalities that can facilitate the work programme to reach concrete actions is not a “renegotiation” of decision 3/CMA 5. Framing it as such is obstructive to making the JTWP into an action-oriented work programme. Workers and communities from the global North and South cannot afford for this work programme to become a talk shop.

We are also of the view that international barriers to just transition, namely the lack and bad quality of climate finance, technology development and transfer, and capacity building, should also be addressed as part of the scope of the work programme, evident in Articles 2b, 2c, and 2g. 

We implore parties to please start addressing these barriers as well as other international and domestic resource mobilization requirements for just transition that can ensure climate actions and social protection measures for workers and communities globally.

Lastly, we also would like to reiterate the statements of some parties for increasing the involvement of non-party stakeholders and observers in the next dialogue and other work programme processes, such as identifying themes for the next dialogue to ensure a balanced choice of topics. We don’t think greater CSO participation is mutually exclusive to having modalities that operationalize the work programme towards concrete actions, as some have suggested yesterday. On the contrary, the latter may facilitate greater inclusivity and participation.

Thank you.

COP29, Interventions, SB60

INTERVENTION BY GLOBAL CAMPAIGN TO DEMAND CLIMATE JUSTICE  AT AD HOC WORKING GROUP ON NEW COLLECTIVE QUANTIFIED GOAL

Undelivered Intervention

Thank you co-facilitator. My name is Claire Miranda, from the Asian Peoples Movement on Debt and Development, a member of Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice.

I am here today representing the people of the Global South, to confront an outrage that can no longer be ignored. In these very rooms where we have been repeatedly talking about how to address the climate crisis, we still need to be reminded of one simple but profoundly troubling reason of why we are here – because of the actions and inactions of rich country governments who continue to be the biggest polluters, causing unprecedented harm to our planet. The climate catastrophe that engulfs our people and communities is a direct result of the greed, negligence, and outright deceit of the rich country governments. 

You are the biggest polluters, the architects of this planetary destruction. The heatwaves that left our lands scorched, the typhoons that shattered our homes, the fossil fuel extraction that poisoned our planet – these are your legacies. For decades, you have perfected the art of inaction, the dirty tactics to evade your obligations while our people suffer and our lands die.

In this very space, where you are supposed to agree on a quantum that reflects the growing climate needs of the Global South and urgently deliver your obligations, you shamelessly divert the discussion. Instead of addressing the crisis you’ve created, you point fingers at developing countries and expand the contributor base, and then have the gall to limit the recipients of climate finance. You continue deflecting attention from the fact that it is YOU who are responsible. You erode the core principles of equity and Common but Differentiated Responsibilities, principles enshrined in the Convention which the Global South has fought hard for. How you mobilize the adequate amount to meet your obligation is your problem and should not be the burden of the Global South.

You have the audacity to claim you’ve met the $100 billion goal promised back in 2009. This is a blatant lie. Funds provided in loans, repackaged development assistance, contributions to MDBs – these are not climate finance. You continue to portray yourselves as climate champions, boasting of your commitment to help the most vulnerable cope with climate impacts. Yet, behind your flowery words lies the harsh reality: it is the Global South that has fed your people, provided you with human resources, and transferred its wealth to you through forced climate loans. You hide behind these deceptive narratives and then leave us to drown in the consequences of your actions. This claim is not just misleading; it is an insult to the people of the Global South who endure the worst of climate change every single day. Your false assertions are nothing more than a cowardly attempt to mask your utter failure to deliver your obligations.

I call upon the leaders of our nations, the negotiators here from the Global South who will be in Baku, to stand resolute. We implore you to demand these rich country governments – who continue to extract our resources, oppress our people and actively enabling the acts of genocide, who owe your people a huge climate debt – fulfill their obligations without delay. We will not be placated by more false assurances. 

As we approach COP29 in Baku, we issue a resolute warning: the people of the Global South are rising. Another endless talkshop is unacceptable. We will be more determined to expose your lies, spotlight your dirty tactics to derail progress and dismantle those empty promises. We will all demand that you #PayUp, fulfill your obligations, and we will settle for nothing less than complete accountability. We will not rest until justice is served and our people receive what is rightfully theirs.

Thank you!

Interventions, SB60

INTERVENTION BY GLOBAL CAMPAIGN TO DEMAND CLIMATE JUSTICE AT OPEN-ENDED CONSULTATIONS BY COP 29 INCOMING PRESIDENCY ON THE EXPECTATIONS OF COP 29

My name is Thomas Joseph Tsewenaldin from The Hoopa Valley Tribe of Indigenous Peoples. I’m with Indigenous Environmental Network, delivering this statement on behalf of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice, or DCJ. I voluntarily and readily disclose that I have no direct or financial ties to the fossil fuel industry or other polluting industries, and invite others to also disclose the same as they speak. We all know that this is a crucial COP since it is called “finance COP”. We hope to see ambitious public finance commitments from the parties, especially the developed countries who have the historical responsibility. We echo the demands of our comrades who have talked about the ongoing genocide in Palestine and shows the true priorities of the developed countries. These issues are deeply interlinked- there is no climate justice on occupied land, and these same actors are perpetuating both the climate crisis and the genocide and systemic violence happening around the world.

We also insist on more accountability from the rich countries to deliver on the commitments that they make here year after year. As you know Data compiled by the UNFCCC Secretariat shows that developed countries have fallen far short of their formal pledges to reduce deadly greenhouse gas emissions, fulfilling only about one-quarter of the cuts urged by scientists. There is also a strong attempt to bring in false solutions like carbon markets and speculative and untested technologies of geoengineering that are used as dangerous distractions from real emission cuts that need to happen urgently and immediately.

Access to the UNFCCC and global climate policy space is critical for civil society. Collectively we represent millions of people in the Global South who are at the frontline of this crisis and are increasingly being left behind within this process. We cannot ignore the contrast between shrinking of meaningful space for rightsholder constituencies on one hand, and the vastly increasing power and influence of the polluting interests like the fossil fuel lobbyists over this process on the other hand. For us, enhancing observer engagement requires ensuring that that engagement does not come at the cost of introducing conflicting interests that risk the integrity of the very UNFCCC objectives and process, and that displace the lived experience and expertise of rights holders. We call on your support to convene a public, formal way for observers to engage in dedicated, constructive, deep dialogue with parties on this topic, and to take all possible measures to safeguard against the undue influence of polluting interests. 

And we call on you to support strengthening the disclosure requirements instituted last year, in time for strengthened measures to come into place for COP29 registration. Specifically, we request that all observer participants be required to disclose who is funding their participation in talks before receiving their registration. The world is looking to you to give a strong signal that this hall of climate action is not overrun with the very actors that have caused the climate crisis.

COP29, Interventions, SB60

SES JOINT WORK ON CLIMATE ACTION ON FOOD AND AGRICULTURE

Undelivered Intervention

Thank you co-facilitator. I am speaking on behalf of the collaboration between YOUNGO food & agriculture, the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice, the Women and Gender constituency, the Indigenous Peoples constituency, and YOUNGO Animal Rights. 

We appreciate the updates that are being discussed here today, this is the spirit of collaboration and the strength of the agriculture negotiations. We are supportive of the removal of annex 4 mentioned in paragraph 3.

While we recognize that these multistakeholder initiatives seek to support food systems action, they should NOT be central to the Joint Work or form the basis for action, voice, power, and decision-making. The focus must remain on inclusive, Party-driven, democratic processes that prioritize the needs and voices of vulnerable communities and Indigenous Peoples.

These initiatives platform and enable false solutions —-  such as GMOs, pesticides, factory farms, carbon offsets, ‘carbon farming’, and ‘carbon capture’ — that are heavily promoted by the agribusiness sector to keep business as usual in place of food sovereignty and agroecology as a real solution. We also want to emphasize that any innovation has to be people centred – it should not use technology to undermine livelihoods, rights and nature, for the sake of consolidating corporate control and profits. 

This is why we strongly support the removal of multistakeholder initiatives from the official text and removing the annex altogether We urge you to show your commitment AGAINST the very perpetrators of harm in food systems and in vulnerable communities and Indigenous Peoples around the world.

We hope that moving forward, participation of Observers will continue to be a pillar of the Sharm El Sheikh workshops and negotiations on agriculture and food security – we have so much to offer to keep this process moving forward to our shared goals. 

We look forward to the SSJW creating a special space to address the fundamental issues faced by farmers and those whose livelihoods and food security are particularly vulnerable to climate change, especially women, youth, indigenous peoples and marginalised communities.

Keen to get the work started and for that reason we strongly suggest that the first workshop already takes place at COP29 this year . As Civil society we remain available to support these efforts. Thank you. 

COP29, Interventions, SB60

INTERVENTION BY GLOBAL CAMPAIGN TO DEMAND CLIMATE JUSTICE AT MEETING WITH UNFCCC EXECUTIVE SECRETARY

I thank my sister Mishy from Women and Gender Constituency for chairing this important session and Mr Executive Secretary for this space. I am Rachitaa Gupta from the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice. I voluntarily and readily disclose that I have no direct or financial ties to the fossil fuel industry or other polluting industries, and invite others to also disclose the same as they speak. We reiterate all the points made by our comrades in the rights based constituencies. We all know that this is a crucial COP since it is called “finance COP”. We hope to see ambitious public  finance commitments from the parties, especially the developed countries who have the historical responsibility. We echo the demands of our comrades and sisters from the women and gender constituency who have talked about the ongoing genocide in Palestine and shows the true priorities of the developed countries. These issues are deeply interlinked- there is no climate justice on occupied land, and these same actors are perpetuating both the climate crisis and the genocide and systemic violence happening around the world.

We also insist on more accountability from the rich countries to deliver on the commitments that they make here year after year. As you know Data compiled by the UNFCCC Secretariat shows that developed countries have fallen far short of their formal pledges to reduce deadly greenhouse gas emissions, fulfilling only about one-quarter of the cuts urged by scientists. There is also a strong attempt to bring in false solutions like carbon markets and speculative and untested technologies of geoengineering that are used as dangerous distractions from real emission cuts that need to happen urgently and immediately.

We strongly echo the demands from our comrades in ENGO CAN, WGC, YOUNGO, TUNGO, and IPO. Access to the UNFCCC and global climate policy space is critical for civil society. Collectively we represent millions of people in the Global South who are at the frontline of this crisis and are increasingly being left behind within this process. We cannot ignore the contrast between shrinking of meaningful space for rightsholder constituencies on one hand, and the vastly increasing power and influence of the polluting interests like the fossil fuel lobbyists over this process on the other hand. For us, enhancing observer engagement requires ensuring that that engagement does not come at the cost of introducing conflicting interests that risk the integrity of the very UNFCCC objectives and process, and that displace the lived experience and expertise of rights holders. We call on your support to convene a public, formal way for observers to engage in dedicated, constructive, deep dialogue with parties on this topic, and to take all possible measures to safeguard against the undue influence of polluting interests. 

And we call on you to strengthen the disclosure requirements instituted last year, in time for strengthened measures to come into place for COP29 registration. Specifically, we request that all observer participants be required to disclose who is funding their participation in talks before receiving theri registration. We strongly believe this lies within the remit of the secretariat, and is the type of bold action that is needed now. A type of boldness that has also been echoed by the UN Secretary General in his comments earlier this week. The world is looking to you to give a strong signal that this hall of climate action is not overrun with the very actors that have caused the climate crisis. 

Interventions, SB60

 INTERVENTION BY GLOBAL CAMPAIGN TO DEMAND CLIMATE JUSTICE AT ARRANGEMENT OF INTERGOVERNMENTAL MEETINGS

My name is Rachel Rose Jackson and I am speaking on behalf of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice. 

We cannot ignore the contrast between shrinking of meaningful space for rightsholder constituencies on one hand, and the vastly increasing power and influence of the polluting interests over this process on the other hand. 

We also do not see the various issues raised during this session as separate but deeply interlinked—the issues of regional balance, increase in observers, enhancing engagement, and managing capacity all require Parties to consider who is here, why, and whether they represent interests that fundamentally undermine the very objectives the UNFCCC is established to deliver. 

For us, enhancing observer engagement requires ensuring that that engagement does not come at the cost of introducing conflicting interests that risk the integrity of the very UNFCCC objectives and process, and that displace the lived experience and expertise of rights holders. 

We call on Parties to invite observers to engage in dedicated, constructive, deep dialogue on this topic, and to take measures to safeguard against the undue influence of polluting interests. In addition, Parties should draw on established international precedents and to acknowledge here the need address these vested interests. 

This includes the establishment of an Accountability framework that prevent entities with private, polluting interests from unduly influencing or undermining UNFCCC activities and processes through their engagement as representatives of non-governmental organizations; strengthen the process for admission and accreditation of observers within the UNFCCC and its convenings. 

Interventions, SB60

INTERVENTION BY GLOBAL CAMPAIGN TO DEMAND CLIMATE JUSTICE ON SeS JOINT WORK ON CLIMATE ACTION ON FOOD AND AGRICULTURE

Thank you co-facilitator. I am Pang Delgra speaking on behalf of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice. 

While we welcome the sense of urgency to move forward, we warn about using external multistakeholder initiatives as a coordination mechanism for this Joint work. These initiatives threaten the democratic spirit that the Convention embodies, are influenced by corporate interests, and lack adequate representation of civil society and marginalized communities. They enable false solutions —- such as carbon offsets, ‘carbon farming’,  and ‘carbon capture’— that are heavily promoted by the agribusiness sector to keep business as usual in place of food sovereignty and agroecology as a real solution.

We call for a revision of the definition of “sustainable agriculture” in Annex 3, par. 2, and urge you to closely examine and avoid references to Climate Smart Agriculture, Nature-Based Solutions, Sustainable Intensification’, Regenerative agriculture, and other approaches that are not properly defined and have proven to be harmful or ineffective. Keeping this in the text would set an absolutely terrible precedent and unscrutinized definition of “sustainable approaches in agriculture” into UN language. 

We welcome workshops on Systemic and holistic approaches to climate action and would like to see these workshops open to observers. We also hope that to make up for the time lost they would be done earlier than indicated in the text, and start at COP29 and to hold more sessions.

Reminded by the recent floods, fires, and heat waves affecting every region worldwide, we urge you to respond to the urgent need to build resilient food systems.

Interventions, SB60

INTERVENTION BY GLOBAL CAMPAIGN TO DEMAND CLIMATE JUSTICE ON GST ANNUAL DIALOGUE AT ROUNDTABLE 3 ON INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION 

Thank you co-facilitators.

I am Victor Menotti of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice speaking on behalf of Environmental NGOs.

ENGOs were asked to address the topic of international cooperation, an idea in the Paris Agreement‘s Article 14, which says, “in the light of equity and the best available science…the global stocktake SHALL inform Parties in…enhancing international cooperation“, thus making it integral for action going forward.

One main principle for effective cooperation is everyone doing their fair share, which is consistent with equity, in any collective effort. If major players shirk their responsibilities, then trust deteriorates, cooperation collapses and we fail to meet our common goal.

Economists call violators of this principle “free riders“ because they benefit from doing disproportionately little, while letting others bear the burden of caring for common goods. Even President Biden pushes for all Americans to pay their fair share of taxes.

Yet at yesterday’s NDC Roundtable, we saw considerable comment, and some confusion, not on aligning actions with 1.5C, but on how countries can do it equitably.

While NDCs might be, by definition, decided domestically, they must also be informed by international realities. If not, we will fail.

Since the Paris Agreement, civil society has used a climate equity calculator that shows, according to each country’s historical responsibilities and respective capabilities, its equitable contribution to the global effort of – not dividing a blown carbon budget – but actually achieving 1.5C equitably.  It includes the level of international cooperation required, because it is integral to getting to our goal equitably. 

Several Parties have also developed methodologies to quantify equitable contributions, beginning with Brazil from 25 years ago, as well as Switzerland, India, China, and who knows how many others. That‘s why ENGOs are urging Parties to use the GST Dialogue to discuss these methodologies, to debate their merits, and to urge countries to use them in developing their NDCs.  It’s not too late, so we again ask Parties to take up this discussion, formally or informally, but before you determine your contribution, and urgently.

GST outcomes also need cooperation to advance COP28‘s headline outcome of “transitioning from fossil fuels,“ since 60% of today‘s developed reserves must remain in the ground to stay within 1.5C. But doing this equitably, orderly and responsibly means cooperating on a level that is still unimaginable for many people today, yet the survival of our planet and its peoples depend on it; not in the future, but now. 

Cooperation on fossil fuels, to be fair, requires the largest historical polluters who are still major producers to be the first and fastest to phase out. For example, the US “pause“ on new LNG export permits must be made permanent, and put into its NDC. And its record oil output rapidly reduced so it stops undercutting stable prices that other oil-producing countries need to finance their own transitions.

Cooperation on finance means not only agreeing at COP29 on a quantum, its quality, etc., but delivering on that deal through updated NDCs with non-mitigation elements of finance and technology.  For the largest historical polluters to cut their emissions by merely the global average is one form of free riding, but then failing to provide the finance and technology they committed to provide further degrades trust and deepens the crisis.

Cooperation can also advance non-market approaches for forests and land to mobilize Means of Implementation for GST‘s goal of reversing deforestation by 2030, recognizing that carbon finance is not climate finance.

As ES SImon Steill noted at the Petersberg Climate Dialogue, NCQG outcomes also depend  on what happens outside UNFCCC, from reforming MDBs to mobilizing private finance. That’s why NDCs could also incorporate actions resulting from other arenas of international cooperation, including:

– Debt reduction in ongoing restructuring talks;

– Tax justice through a new UN Tax Convention;

– Relaxing monopoly patents for intellectual property rights

– Reforming discriminatory world trade rules against developing countries

– Shifting fossil fuel subsidies toward energy sufficiency, efficiency, and renewables

– Redirecting military budgets toward climate finance while reducing military emissions.

All of these areas will provide more fiscal space to developing country budgets and significantly lower the overall bill for NCQG.

International cooperation must take many forms to fit the purpose of protecting our planet and its peoples, so see this as just a beginner’s list to get us going on what must become a new era of diplomacy that delivers climate justice.

Statements

More than 100 Climate Justice and Human Rights Organisations Call on German Government to End Suppression of Pro-Palestinian Voices

As a global network of human rights and climate justice organisations, we stand in unwavering solidarity with the people of Palestine. We see the struggle of the Palestinian people against occupation and apartheid as part of our collective struggle for climate, racial, economic, gender, and political justice and for a world where everyone has the right to live with dignity, free from oppression. Our commitment to justice, equity, and the preservation of our planet drives us to speak out against the interconnected injustices that fuel both human rights abuses and environmental destruction. It is in this spirit that we condemn the actions of the German government in suppressing pro-Palestine events and its complicity in the ongoing violence against the people of Palestine and Gaza.

Recent events in Germany have highlighted a disturbing trend of silencing dissent and stifling the voices of those who stand in solidarity with the people of Palestine. German police recently cracked down on peaceful pro-Palestinian protestors, with numerous incidents of excessive force and arbitrary detentions reported during demonstrations across major cities like Berlin. We stand in solidarity with the activists who have been subjected to unwarranted surveillance, and organisations that support Palestinian rights who have faced increased scrutiny and restrictions.

We call out this suppression that extends to the academic sphere as well, with experts like Dr. Ghassan Abu Sitta, a British-Palestinian surgeon and witness to acts of war crimes by Israel in Gaza, being denied entry into Germany and other prominent figures like Yanis Varoufakis and Salman Abu Sitta simply for expressing solidarity with Palestine.

We condemn the German media and the political leaders for their racist and islamophobic rhetoric vilifying Palestine voices and supporters by attempting to brand anti-zionist narratives as anti-semetic.

By cracking down on peaceful protestors and banning experts, it is clear that the German government would rather align itself with oppressive regimes and contribute to the perpetuation of ongoing injustices in Gaza. This trend is not isolated to Germany; similar crackdowns on peaceful protests have been observed across the Global North, including the United States, where student protests on campuses in support of Palestine have also faced violent crackdown.

We also recall the hypocritical stance of Germany and the European Union lawmakers against Egypt, host of COP27 in 2022. As nations that talk about upholding fundamental human rights like the right to freedom of expression, and the right to assembly and association, the suppression of pro-Palestine activities and Palestinian voices in large parts of the Global North has laid bare the hegemony of the western world and exposed the truth of their “moral superiority”.

We call out Germany’s complicity in the ongoing conflict in Gaza that extends beyond the censorship of Palestinian voices. Between 2001 and 2020, Germany exported approximately $1.7 billion worth of military equipment to Israel. Its defence export approvals to Israel in 2023 rose nearly tenfold from the previous year and accounts for nearly 30% of arms supplied to Israel thus enabling the ongoing assault on Palestine and Gaza.

As of May 2024, the ongoing conflict in Gaza has resulted in over 36,000 Palestinian deaths, with the majority being women and children. More than 200 days of war has led to mass graves, crippled hospitals, thousands of civilian deaths and near total destruction of infrastructure in Gaza, including residential areas, schools, and universities. A child is killed or wounded every 10 mins in Gaza, more than 10,000 women have been killed, including 2 mothers killed every hour in Gaza, and 250 Palestinians are killed every day by Israel. Nearly 200 aid workers, more than 100 journalists and 493 healthcare workers have been killed in Gaza so far.

Right to health has been decimated in Gaza, as 84 per cent of all health facilities are damaged or destroyed and 62 percent of all homes have been destroyed in Gaza. Israel, supported by its western allies, including Germany, has consistently used starvation as a weapon of war, the devastating effects of which can be seen throughout Gaza as nearly 1.1 million people in Gaza are facing catastrophic levels of food insecurity.

It is inexcusable that Germany and its western allies continue to arm a state engaged in such acts of aggression and human rights violations against the people of Palestine. We hold Germany and its western allies accountable for their unwavering support for Israel, as the majority of the world supports the South Africa’s genocide case against Israel  in ICJ as well as the ICC case where the ICC prosecutor recently requested arrest warrants for Israel’s prime minister and defence minister. 

We condemn Germany and western world’s silence on these proceedings that allow Israel to continue its genocidal war and intimidation with impunity and shows total destruction of the global rules based system.

A recent report by Francesca Albanese, UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, states “Israel’s executive and military leadership and soldiers have intentionally distorted jus in bello principles, subverting their protective functions, in an attempt to legitimise genocidal violence against the Palestinian people”. We call on Germany, and the international community to uphold its moral and legal obligation to stop these attacks and support efforts that promote justice, accountability, and the protection of human rights for all.

We demand Germany and the western world to redirect resources expended on conflict and arms to address the pressing issue of climate change. In 2020, global military expenditure reached nearly $2 trillion. In addition to the direct financial cost, the carbon footprint of the world’s militaries is substantial at nearly 5.5% of the global emissions. The destruction caused by conflict leads to environmental degradation, loss of biodiversity, and the displacement of communities, all of which compound the challenges of climate change.

The financial priorities of major powers also reflect a troubling disparity between military aid and climate action. Since 2016, the US has been giving Israel a military aid of $3.3 billion every year, which means, from 2016-2023, the US has spent $26.4 billion of public finance as military aid to Israel, a country that has been responsible for the oppression and apartheid of more than 5 million Palestinian people, including displacement of more than 2 million people within Gaza. In 2022, the US did not meet its climate finance obligation based on its historical responsibility, yet continued the delivery of the $3.3 billion military aid to Israel.  The struggle for human rights and the fight for climate justice are inextricably linked. Both are driven by the need to challenge systems of oppression and exploitation that prioritise profit and power over people and the planet. The colonial extractive systems that underpin the current climate crisis are the same systems that fuel conflict and human rights abuses.

We strongly reaffirm our solidarity with the people of Palestine and call on the global community to stand in unity with the oppressed. As we gather for the United Nations Climate Change Conference in Bonn from 3 June to 13 June 2024, we call on Germany and all our governments and international bodies to work together to end the war, and to bring all those responsible for war crimes to justice. We demand an end to the occupation and genocide of the Palestinian people and all those who are fighting for justice and dignity. We call on governments, corporations, and civil society to join us in challenging the systems of oppression and exploitation that threaten our planet and our future. There is no climate justice without human rights.

Our Demands

We call on the German government to:

  • End Impunity: Stop support for Israel, including ending arms sales to Israel particularly in the context of human rights violations and stop all support and funding to Israel immediately. Political alliances should not take precedence over human lives.
  • Support a Just Peace in Palestine: Advocate for a just and lasting resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that respects the rights and dignity of all individuals.
  • Uphold Right to Free Speech and Assembly:  Respect the rights to free speech and peaceful assembly of Palestinian voices including the global civil society by allowing events and protests to proceed without intimidation or harassment
  • Redirect Military Spending to Climate Action: Reallocate military spending towards climate finance and to support peoples led solution to climate crisis

We also call on the international community to:

  • Immediate Ceasefire: We echo the calls of the United Nations Secretary General and  humanitarian and human rights organisations for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza
  • End the illegal blockade: Urgent humanitarian and emergency aid must be provided to civilians in Gaza. The people of Gaza are in dire need of medical supplies, food, water, and other essential resources, which need to be restored urgently.
  • Hold Israel Accountable: Ensure that Israel is held accountable for its genocidal war in Gaza and violations of international law and human rights, including its recent offensive in Rafah
  • Stop Racism, Islamophobia and Anti-Semitism: We stand in solidarity with our comrades in the Jewish and Muslim communities who face bigotry. The struggle for climate justice is a struggle for racial justice.
  • Promote Systemic Change: Challenge the colonial and extractive systems that drive both environmental destruction and human rights abuses.

Launching Organisations

Colectivo VientoSur, Chile

Asian Peoples’ Movement on Debt and Development

Third World Network

War on Want

Corporate Accountability

International

Aliança RECOs – Aliança em Redes de Comutiária desde o Sul Global

ANGRY – alliance of non-governmental radical youth

ASOCOLEMAD

Centre for Environment, Human Rights & Development Forum – CEHRDF

EDGE Funders Alliance 

Equal Right

Food Justice Network 

Global Forest Coalition

IBON International

International Rivers

JASS – Just Associates

Laboratorio Experimental do Som 

Movimento Mulheres pela Paz na Palestina

Parable of Sower Intentional Community Cooperative

RIPESS 

Society for International Development

The Rights Studio 

Regional

 THE CENTER OF INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN LAW & HUMAN RIGHTS

Africa for SDGs 

ALTSEAN-Burma

AMJO

Asociación La Ruta del Clima 

Black Earth Kollektiv

Comitê de Energia Renovável do Semiárido-CERSA

Corporate Accountability and Public Participation Africa 

CSYM HUDUMA -MBUENET 

DARE Direct Action for Rights and Equality

End Fossil, Occupy! Utrecht 

Good Health Community Programmes 

Hawaii Peace and Justice

Indigenous Environmental Network

La Ruta del Clima 

Labor/Community Strategy Center

Migrant Workers Voice 

Mines mineral and people

Micronesia Climate Change Alliance

Natural Justice

Permanecer en la Tierra, Red Regional Latinoamérica y Caribe

Ponlok Khmer Organization

Regional Advocacy for Women’s Sustainable Advancement(RAWSA) Alliance for African&Arab States

Women Working Together USA

National

All Nepal Women’s Association (Socialist)

Associação Brasileira de Saúde Coletiva

Association Nigerienne des Scouts de l’Environnement (ANSEN)

Association pour la Conservation et la Protection des Écosystèmes des Lacs et l’Agriculture Durable 

Bangladesh Environmental Lawyers Association (BELA)

Brigada Cimarrona Sebastián Lemba.

Centro de estudios Heñói 

CLIMATE CHANGE NETWORK FOR COMMUNITY BASED INITIATIVES, INC. 

Equidad de Género: Ciudadanía, Trabajo y Familia

Food Sovereignty Alliance, India

Food Sovereignty and Climate Justice Forum/ TAFJA< Nepal

Free lanes 

Friends of the Earth Australia

Grassroots Global Justice Alliance

Grupo Temático Saúde e Ambiente da Abrasco

Indian National Trade Union Congress-INTUC

Indian Social Action Forum 

International Islamic University, Islamabad 

Iser Assessoria

Kaam Aaj

Keine Organisation

KRuHA

Lützi lebt

Monitoring Sustainability of Globalisation

National Fisheries Solidarity Movement 

National Sudanese Women Association 

Organisation Paysanne Pour lr Développement Durable

Otros Mundos Chiapas/Amigos de la Tierra México

Pakistan Fisherfolk Forum 

Palestinian Farmers Union, PFU

Participatory Development Action Program

Plataforma Boliviana Frente al Cambio Climático

Pragroshor -A Feminists Training and Resource Centre  

Roots for Equity

Secretária nacional do meio ambiente e desenvolvimento do Partido dos Trabalhadores Brasil

Skillistan 

Twaweza Community Development Agenda

Unión de Afectados por Texaco. (UDAPT)

Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar

Vikas Adhyayan Kendra

Wahana Lingkungan Hidup Indonesia (WALHI)

Women and Modern World Social Charitable Center(CWMW)

Women for Green Economy Movement Uganda

World March of Women Kenya 

YUWA

Interventions, SB60

INTERVENTION BY GLOBAL CAMPAIGN TO DEMAND CLIMATE JUSTICE ON ARTICLE 6.4 STAKEHOLDER DIALOGUE

Thank you for the opportunity to take the floor. I am Dr. Tamra Gilbertson with the Indigenous Environmental Network and I am speaking on behalf of Demand Climate Justice and Climate Action Network International that constitute the environmental NGO constituency group. This is our overall general statement but we may come back on the other two groups of questions in more detail. 

While we welcome the initiative to hold this engagement session and would encourage more sessions in the future, we are disappointed in the limited opportunity for participation provided for non-Party rightsholders, given that only one slot has been provided to all constituencies and to ENGOs (which is comprised of two constituencies). This is unfortunately reflective of how the Supervisory Body has implemented consultations and engagement with stakeholders, where consultations and submission timelines are far too short and engagement with stakeholders is often late in the meetings leaving little opportunity to engage prior to when decisions are made.

Given the limited time, numerous questions that were circulated, and that I am representing many groups, my remarks will focus on general cross-cutting issues.

Overall, we remain concerned about the ongoing process of the Article 6.4 Supervisory Body to revise its draft recommendations on removal activities and methodological requirements, while concurrently developing numerous related operational tools given the limited time of Supervisory Body members to adequately consider ongoing concerns about permanence and related issues in submissions by multiple observer organizations. Activity Participants and the acquiring Parties must address reversal risk. Those who will be “benefitting” from projects by buying and using the credits to offset their emissions rather than taking direct action should ensure that there are no reversals. This should include monitoring well beyond the crediting period as reversals could occur later in time. 

Numerous NGOs, CSOs, and groups representing Indigenous Peoples from a range of countries have continually voiced serious concerns about the environmental, social and human risks that carbon markets can pose, which the past work of the Supervisory Body has not appropriately addressed. The SD Tool will not be sufficient. We continue to share these concerns and are not convinced that the Supervisory Body will be able to adequately resolve these outstanding issues in the limited time remaining before COP29, where there is considerable pressure on Parties to agree on the Supervisory Body’s recommendations on removals and methodological principles.

Regarding question 3, we do not believe that REDD+ activities should feature in the Article 6.4 mechanism at the project-level or jurisdictional-level. First, to be clear, REDD+ under the Warsaw Framework is not meant to generate carbon credits and was not designed for this purpose. Second, regarding REDD+ on the voluntary carbon markets, numerous peer-reviewed studies have shown that REDD+ used has led to unchecked over-issuance of credits. While many in these halls continue to hail REDD+ as a successful program, there are several documented cases of REDD+ projects leading to serious violations to the rights of Indigenous Peoples.  REDD+ has a history of ignoring Free Prior and Informed Consent, increasing conflict within communities, and giving rise to  human rights violations. These are serious concerns that continue to go unchecked and what seems to be purposely ignored. 

Further, we would like to note that the appeal and grievance process was rushed and now lacks appropriate human rights language and the rights of Indigenous Peoples under UNDRIP. 

Regarding question 4, carbon markets and offsets are NOT climate finance and should not be regarded as such or substituted for the much needed direct and non-debt causing finance for mitigation, adaptation, and loss & damage that is the responsibility of developed countries.  It is beyond the mandate of this SB. 

We strongly urge the SB to urge Parties to understand that there is no room in the global carbon budget for offsetting if we are to limit temperature rise to 1.5* and to prohibit the use of REDD+ as a carbon offsets in Article 6.4. Carbon markets are not climate finance. This would be a remarkably dangerous precedent to set. Parties agreed to a Fossil Fuel Phase Out at COP28, and should progress with [scaled up climate finance, ambitious NDCs, and] long-term strategies to accomplish this phase-out of fossil fuel and greenhouse gas emissions.

For the sake of time, I will conclude my remarks here.