Tag Archives: UNFCCC

Intervention by Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice at SB58 Opening Plenary Session

June 5, 2023

Mr Chair,

This statement is delivered by Gadir Lavadenz on behalf of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice.

We want to clearly express that NO COP overseen by a fossil fuel executive can be seen as a COP that will deliver what people and the planet are owed. The science is clear: there’s no more room for fossil fuels on a living planet. Coal, oil and gas are by far the largest contributor to global climate change, accounting for 86% of all carbon dioxide emissions. Real, rapid, and equitable emission cuts are needed in line with principles of justice and equity and that cannot be achieved through a hyper focus on dangerous distractions such as carbon markets, offsets, nature based solutions and incredibly dangerous and ungovernable geoengineering– all of which allow for continued pollution and disrespect historical responsibility. 

The world is losing faith in this process and we are running out of time. We do not only wish for fruitful discussion, but expect the delivery of concrete measures that include: establishing an Accountability Framework to end the ability of polluting interests to undermine climate action; a publicly funded and operationalized loss and damage finance facility; a pathway for a fast and equitable fossil fuels phase out; the urgent global collaboration needed to advance real solutions through article 6.8; a global stock take that is holistic and non-mitigation centric; a just transition work program that spurs the urgently needed transitions deeply rooted in equity;

A legitimate COP, is a Fossil Fuel Free COP. There is no climate justice, without human rights

Thank you very much

SB58 CLIMATE TALKS

TWN Bonn Climate News Update No. 1

5 June 2023
Published by Third World Network


WHAT TO EXPECT AT THE INTERSESSIONAL CLIMATE TALKS

Bonn, 5 June (Meena Raman+) – The 58th sessions of the UNFCCC’s subsidiary bodies (the Subsidiary Body for Implementation [SBI] and the Subsidiary Body for Scientific and Technological Advice [SBSTA] are meeting in Bonn, Germany from 5 to 15 June, 2023.

The SB sessions will be presided over by the respective Chairs: Nabeel Munir (Pakistan) for the SBI and Harry Vreuls (Netherlands) for SBSTA.

The intersessional meeting of the subsidiary bodies (SBs) is key to advancing further work from the decisions adopted at the UNFCCC’s 27th meeting of the Conference of Parties (COP 27) in Sharm-el-Sheikh last year, as they prepare to adopt new decisions at COP 28, to be held in Dubai, UAE later this year.

The Bonn talks are taking place against the backdrop of scorching heatwave across many parts of the world, including from Asia to Africa and Europe, in part, attributed to climate change and global heating.

According to the latest news from the  World Meteorological Organization (WMO), “global temperatures are likely to surge to record levels in the next five years, fuelled by heat-trapping greenhouse gases and a naturally occurring El Niño event”.  Said the WMO further, “there is a 66% likelihood that the annual average near-surface global temperature between 2023 and 2027 will be more than 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels for at least one year.  There is a 98% likelihood that at least one of the next five years, and the five-year period as a whole, will be the warmest on record.”

“A warming El Niño is expected to develop in the coming months and this will combine with human-induced climate change to push global temperatures into uncharted territory,” warned the WMO Secretary-General Prof. Petteri Taalas, adding further that “This will have far-reaching repercussions for health, food security, water management and the environment” and that governments need to be prepared for this.

Amid this grim alarm, the Bonn talks are also expected to be ‘heated’ on many fronts, especially along North-South lines. Some of the main issues to watch at the SBs are set out below.

Matters relating to loss and damage

Loss and Damage Fund and the Glasgow Dialogue

COP 27 delivered on what was the ‘litmus test’ for its success – consensus on the establishment of new funding arrangements and a fund on loss and damage to assist developing countries. Parties agreed that the fund’s mandate include a focus on addressing loss and damage. They also agreed to establish a Transitional Committee (TC) to make recommendations on how to operationalise both the new funding arrangements and the fund for the consideration and adoption by COP 28 later this year.

The TC has met twice already this year; the first meeting took place in Luxor, Egypt from 27-29 March, while the second meeting took place in Bonn, Germany from 25-27 May.  Discussions during the first TC meeting were not smooth, with differences of views across developing and developed country members on what should be discussed first, viz. the funding arrangements or the establishment of the fund. Developing country members wanted to focus on the operationalisation of the new fund for loss and damage, whereas developed country members wanted to focus on matters that would inform the funding arrangements and the fund, saying that more information was needed on the current landscape and institutions that are funding activities related to loss and damage. (See related update).

During the second meeting the TC, members had substantive exchange covering institutional arrangements, modalities, structure, governance and terms of reference for the fund; defining the elements of the new funding arrangements; identifying and expanding sources of funding; and ensuring coordination and complementarity with existing funding arrangements. Developing countries continued to express their preference of the fund over funding arrangements, and stressed that existing funding arrangements were far from enough and that there is very little explicit funding for loss and damage needs. Developed countries on the other hand, while covering all the four areas, stressed how the humanitarian assistance can be further improved (see related update).

In Bonn, the 2nd Glasgow Dialogue (GD) on loss and damage will be held, focusing on the operationalization of new funding arrangements and the fund, as well as on maximizing support from existing funding arrangements relevant for responding to economic and non-economic losses, slow onset events and extreme weather events. This Dialogue will inform the work of the TC.  The 1st GD took place last June.

Santiago Network on Loss and Damage (SNLD)

At CMA 4 (the 4th meeting of Parties to the Paris Agreement) last year, Parties agreed on the institutional arrangements to operationalise the SNLD in order to catalyse technical assistance to developing countries. The structure of the Santiago network and its terms of reference were agreed to. The decision was also that a selection process for the host of the network secretariat be launched in order to select the host by this year.

A call for proposals by the UNFCCC secretariat to host the Santiago network followed and the secretariat convened an evaluation panel for selecting the host on 5 April 2023 and supported the panel in preparing an evaluation report that includes a shortlist of proposals for the consideration of Parties. At SB 58, a draft decision is hoped for, with one proposal to host the network, which will then be adopted at COP 28.

According to the scenario note prepared by the Chairs of the SBs, a proposal from the Caribbean Development Bank and a joint proposal from the UN Office for Disaster Risk Reduction and the UN Office for Project Services were received.

Just transition work programme

A new and significant outcome from COP 27 was the decision to establish a work programme on just transition on the pathways to achieve the goals of the Paris Agreement. Parties also noted that the global transition to low emissions provides opportunities and challenges for sustainable economic development and poverty eradication and emphasised that just and equitable transition encompasses pathways that include energy, socioeconomic, workforce and other dimensions, all of which must be based on nationally defined development priorities and include social protection so as to mitigate potential impacts associated with the transition.

At the Bonn session, Parties are tasked to develop the work programme and as per the scenario note of the Chairs, discussions are expected to focus on pragmatic approaches and technical aspects, with the focus on preparing a draft decision text for consideration and adoption at CMA 5, as mandated.

Sharm el-Sheikh mitigation ambition and implementation work programme

At COP 27, Parties confirmed that the objective of the work programme “shall be to urgently scale up mitigation ambition and implementation in this critical decade in a manner that complements the global stocktake.”

Parties decided “that the work programme shall be operationalized through focused exchanges of views, information and ideas, noting that the outcomes of the work programme will be non-prescriptive, non-punitive, facilitative, respectful of national sovereignty and national circumstances, take into account the nationally determined nature of NDCs and will not impose new targets or goals.” (This was a grave concern to many developing countries).

It was also decided that implementation of the work programme will start immediately after CMA 4 and continue until its CMA 8 (2026), “with a view to adopting a decision on the continuation of the work programme at that session”.

As part of the work programme, CMA 4 decided that at least two global dialogues be held each year and the first of this was held under the SBs from June 3 to 4th in Bonn, followed on 5th June by what is called an “investment focused event”.

At the opening of the global dialogue on 3rd June, Ambassador Mohamed Nasr of Egypt, as the COP 27 Presidency, remarked that as Parties deliberate issues under the mitigation work programme with a focus on energy this time, “We also need to be reminded that substantial percentage of mitigation component of developing countries’ nationally developing countries (NDCs)s are conditional, which reflects how much impact this work programme can deliver in terms of supporting implementation and enhancing ambition.”

He also highlighted some of the key findings of latest reports including the International Energy Agency (IEA) which reports on energy that “Average growth rate in clean energy investments has reached 12% compared to 2% in 2015, but the investments were concentrated in China, the European Union (EU) and the United States (US), while the rest of developing economies has witnessed no or very limited increase in clean energy spending compared to 2015.”

He said further that the high cost of capital and rising borrowing costs threaten to undercut the economic attractiveness for investments in clean energy in developing countries, and that most of the positive trends in clean energy investments are leaving developing countries behind.  Nasr also stressed that “while we are talking about energy transition, there are 600 million Africans who have no access to energy.”  He added further that with these information and facts in mind, “the deliberations will provide the needed space to consider them and deliver real implementable recommendations.”

Separate from the mandated global dialogue above, Sweden on behalf of the EU has also proposed that the work programme be included in the provisional agendas of the SBs “in order to support the objectives of the mitigation work programme and robust annual decisions at the CMAit’s necessary to include an agenda item at the SBs in June, in addition to the SB’s sessions at every COP.” Parties will be asked to consider this proposal by the EU when the agendas of the SBs are presented for adoption. If the proposal is accepted, a contact group or informal consultations on the matter will have to be established and for conclusions to be agreed to and presented to CMA 4 for adoption.

Global goal on adaptation (GGA)

Parties had last year initiated the development of a framework for the GGA which is to be undertaken “…through a structured approach under the Glasgow–Sharm el-Sheikh work programme in 2023, with a view to the framework being adopted at CMA 5” later this year. The framework is “to guide the achievement of the GGA and the review of overall progress in achieving, it with a view to reducing the increasing adverse impacts, risks and vulnerabilities associated with climate change, as well as enhance adaptation action and support.”

Developing countries had firmly called for the establishment of a framework on GGA as a substantive COP 27 outcome, proposing detailed elements in the form of dimensions; themes; indicators/metrics/targets; among others. The means of implementation – finance, technology transfer and capacity building – being one of the integral components of the dimensions of the framework.

Negotiations on the GGA will continue at the current Bonn session. In addition, a workshop on mainstreaming adaptation, including target-setting, methodologies and indicators will take place from 4th to 5th June in conjunction with the SBs.  This is the 6th workshop of 8 workshops being held under the GGA work programme since last year, with the hope and expectation that these workshops will result in an “ambitious outcome”, as per the Co-Chairs scenario note for the SBs.

Finance

Many of the finance issues will be negotiated under the COP and CMA to be held later this year.  Among the main issues are the following:

2nd review of the Standing Committee on Finance (SCF)

Parties initiate the 2nd review of the SCF at this session. The SCF plays a very important role in assisting the COP and the CMA in exercising its functions in relation to the Financial Mechanism of the Convention and the Paris Agreement. This involves among the many roles viz.

  • Providing to the COP/CMA draft guidance for the operating entities of the Financial Mechanism of the Convention and the Paris Agreement (such as the Global Environment Facility and the Green Climate Find);
  • Preparing a biennial assessment, overview of climate finance flows, drawing on available sources of information, including national communications and biennial reports of both developed and developing country Parties etc.

It is hoped that Parties will be able to arrive at conclusions at the SBI session with elements of a draft decision that will be adopted at COP 28.

New Collective Quantified Goal on Finance

In conjunction with the SBs, the sixth technical expert dialogue (TED 6) under the New Collective Quantified Goal on Climate Finance (NCQG) will be convened, and will focus on the themes “quantum” and “mobilization and provision of financial sources”.

The decision from CMA last year acknowledged “the need to significantly strengthen the ad hoc work programme on the NCQG in the light of the urgency of scaling up climate action with a view to achieving meaningful outcomes…and setting the NCQG in 2024 taking into account the needs and priorities of developing countries.”

The objective of TED 6 is to “discuss and identify options for ways to determine the quantum of the NCQG…and options on the mobilization and provision of financial sources.”

Developing countries have stressed the need to have a discussion on the quantum of the NCQG for some time now. However, developed countries have traditionally refused to engage in discussions on the quantum of the goal, in attempts to push this to discussions next year. This was among the key contentious issues in Sharm el-Sheikh (see related update). TED 6 will offer Parties an opportunity to go in-depth into the issue of quantum for the goal.

Workshop on Article 9.5

The second biennial in-session workshop on information to be provided by Parties in accordance with Article 9.5 of the Paris Agreement will also be convened at this current SB session. (Article 9.5 provides for developed countries to biennially communicate indicative quantitative and qualitative information on the projected levels of public financial resources to be provided to developing countries.)

The objective of the workshop scheduled to take place on 6 June is to “share views, experiences and lessons learned on information contained in the second biennial communications”; and to “present and discuss the overall state of predictability and clarity of information on financial support to developing countries for the implementation of the Paris Agreement…”.

According to the compilation and synthesis report on the second biennial communications on Article 9.5 by the Secretariat, 34 Parties have submitted their communications. This includes Australia, Canada, Czech Republic and the EU, Japan, Monaco, New Zealand, Norway, Switzerland, the United Kingdom and the US.

Developing countries are expected to hold the developed countries to account in terms of the improvements requested in relation to their first biennial communications. Improvements which were sought included the following: “The indicative projections of climate finance for developing countries and specific plans for scaling up the provision and mobilization of climate finance; the information provided on projected levels of climate finance and lack of detail on themes, various channels and instruments across the biennial communications; and the information on the shares of projected climate finance for adaptation and mitigation, and on plans for addressing the balance between the two”.

Improvements were also sought “on enhancing the quality and granularity of information on programmes, including projected levels, channels and instruments, particularly on climate finance for the least developed countries and small island developing States, and on relevant methodologies and assumptions”.

However, the communication from the US reveals as follows:  “Given that these channels are demand-based, coupled with the fact that US bilateral channels depend on annual appropriations from Congress, it is not possible for the US to forecast or project future climate finance levels or quantitative ex-ante information.” The communication by the US also does not make any commitments and only reiterates their “intentional” announcements at best.

The Global Stocktake

The first global stocktake (GST) scheduled to take place at COP 28 in Dubai is among the most awaited outcomes in 2023. The GST is to assess the collective progress of Parties in the implementation of the Paris Agreement goals.

At the current SB session, the technical assessment component of the first GST will conclude, with the convening of the third and last meeting of the technical dialogue, with the corresponding summary report to be published in July this year and an overall synthesis of the summary reports to be published later in September.

At the current session, four roundtables will be convened as part of the technical assessment. These will be on mitigation, including response measures; adaptation, including loss and damage; means of implementation and support: finance, technology and capacity building; and integrated and holistic approaches. Discussions are expected to focus on “what next” for each of the roundtables. In these roundtables, Parties are expected to address and develop further the emerging messages (in the four areas corresponding to the roundtable topics) in the second summary report by the technical dialogue co-facilitators.

A joint contact group will also be convened where Parties are expected to discuss the structure and format of GST outcomes for COP 28, and potential follow up processes, if any. The high-level committee, comprising the Egyptian and the UAE Presidencies along with the SB Chairs, are expected to provide an update, during SB 58 on progress in planning their high-level events.

Several of these areas are likely to see divergences, with developing countries calling for the GST to be based on equity and best available science and the importance of taking stock of collective action and not transferring the burden of developed countries’ inaction onto developing countries via the GST.

Article 6: market and non-market approaches

As regards Article 6.2 of the Paris Agreement (related to the use of Internationally Transferred Mitigation Outcomes [ITMOS] towards the implementation NDCs), CMA4 requested the SBSTA to work on a number of topics including the technical expert review and elements related to reporting.

On Article 6.4 (which is a mechanism to contribute to the mitigation of emissions and support sustainable development), SBSTA has been tasked with further work, including on responsibilities of the Supervisory Body (of the mechanism) and of Parties that host activities under the Article in order for such host Parties to elaborate on and apply national arrangements for the mechanism. The SBSTA was also tasked to continue its work in developing recommendations relating to the rules and procedures for the mechanism, including whether Article 6.4 activities could include emissions avoidance and conservation enhancement activities.

On Article 6.8 (non-market approaches), the Glasgow Committee on Non-market Approaches (GCMNA) agreed to will move fully into implementing the work programme activities for 2023-2026 in two phases. At SBSTA 58, the GCMNA will hold its third meeting in a contact group format on 5 June 2023, where the secretariat will provide update on the status of the development and operationalisation of the UNFCCC web-based platform for NMAs. There will also be an in-session workshop on 9 June 2023 to exchange information, best practices, lessons learned from identifying, developing and implementing NMAs, including the support needed in terms of financial, technology and capacity building.

+ With inputs from Hilary Kung.

Ambientalistas y movimientos de justicia climática cuestionan Acuerdo de Paris y la razón de ser de la Semana Regional del Clima de América Latina y el Caribe

Santo Domingo. – Las Naciones Unidas, el gobierno dominicano y otras entidades, inician la realización de la Semana del Clima Regional (LACCW 2022) bajo una simulación para dar impulso a la implementación del Acuerdo de París bajo el supuesto de detener el calentamiento global. No obstante organizaciones y movimientos socioambientales en todo el mundo han denunciado que la implementación de este Acuerdo es insuficiente y ambiguo para enfrentar las crisis climáticas, y, por lo tanto, merece una transformación radical y ajustarlo hacia la acción climática que demanda la emergencia en que se encuentra el planeta producto de modelos económicos extractivitas. 

La Semana Regional del Clima de Latinoamérica y Caribe, que tiene como anfitrión a República Dominicana, demuestra la fuerte influencia del sector privado y la complicidad de los Estados para retrasar la acción climática a partir de la agenda prevista para la Semana, estos tienden a evadir las discusiones de fondo sobre las reales causas de la crisis climática y están comprometidos a mantener la impunidad frente a los culpables del calentamiento global y sus consecuencias en los pueblos. 

Las organizaciones y movimientos sociales de justicia climática, aquí reunidos en Santo Domingo, en esta Universidad Autónoma de Santo Domingo, hemos querido estar presentes en esta Semana del Clima organizada por el Gobierno de la República Dominicana, las Naciones Unidas y los organismos multilaterales de América Latina y el Caribe para demandar acciones climáticas reales.

Estamos aquí para denunciar y evitar que la Semana del Clima sea una nueva ronda de negocios donde los gobiernos, las empresas multinacionales y las élites económicas de nuestra región se reúnen, exclusivamente, para profundizar las políticas neoliberales y extractivitas que están llevado al planeta al colapso climático.

Reconocemos que hoy los pueblos y los estados de nuestra región, por cierto, la más desigual del mundo, tenemos la gran oportunidad de trazar un camino distinto para el bienestar de nuestras sociedades, que efectivamente permitan enfrentar el cambio climático y construir democracias y economías basadas en la soberanía, la justicia, la sustentabilidad y la solidaridad entre las naciones.

No es posible frenar o salir de la crisis climática si se insiste en la promoción de tratados de libre comercio basados en el mantenimiento de políticas extractivitas de minerales y agroindustria, producción insustentable, sobre-consumo y generación creciente de basura, que cada vez impactan con mayor fuerza y con mayor injusticia en nuestros territorios.

Y llamamos la atención que sea cual sea la tecnología, la energía no es limpia ni sustentable si es para alimentar el extrativismo, la vulneración de derechos de las comunidades y la destrucción de la naturaleza.

Nosotros y nosotras durante la Asamblea Ciudadana por la Justicia Climática, donde participamos organizaciones de pueblos originarios, afrodescendientes, trabajadores, feministas y cristianos de América Latina y el Caribe apoyamos las demandas de las organizaciones populares de República Dominicana y Haití ante la fragilidad de la isla, vamos a denunciar las falsas soluciones que continúan promoviendo los responsables de la crisis para perpetuar el sistema injusto y sus privilegios, y vamos a fortalecer nuestras estrategias de articulación social y la incidencia política sobre los gobiernos y organismos regionales multilaterales, promoviendo una agenda común basada en los valores de la justicia climática y la soberanía de los pueblos.

Rechazamos que los gobiernos de la República Dominicana, internacionalmente tratan de mostrar ser amigable con el ambiente y a nivel nacional sigue expandiendo la megaminería que pone en peligro las fuentes hídricas, los bosques, la agricultura campesina y los derechos territoriales, a la vez que expande el turismo no sostenible que amenaza áreas protegidas, aprovechando la debilidad institucional del país. 

Reiteramos que para enfrentar el cambio climático se requieren transformaciones radicales y urgentes, fuera de los mercados y emancipadas del extrativismo, con una mirada territorial y de comunidad, que partan de otros modelos de sociedades, basadas en la soberanía energética, alimentaria, económica, territorial, en las prácticas, culturas y economías locales, en condiciones de trabajo y vida dignas, así como en el intercambio solidario entre pueblos y comunidades, que respeten los derechos de la naturaleza,  y nos permitan vivir en armonía con ella.

Demandamos el reconocimiento y resarcimiento de la deuda histórica, social y ecológica que tienen los países industrializados del Norte con los pueblos del Sur quienes no han sido responsables del cambio climático. Esta deuda se debe a la contaminación atmosférica y a la apropiación ilegítima de los ciclos de la Tierra.

Finalmente, sólo podremos evitar el colapso planetario empezando a dejar el gas, el petróleo y el carbón bajo tierra, protegiendo y restaurando los bosques y ecosistemas, terminando con la agroindustria y la ganadería a gran escala y favoreciendo la agricultura campesina y la agroecología, respetando los derechos colectivos de los pueblos que cuidan y viven de los bosques, eliminando las prácticas extractivas mineras y sacando al sector financiero del clima.

18 de julio 2022

Santo Domingo, RD

Conferencia de prensa

Para más información, póngase en contacto con Eduardo Giesen via [email protected] o Rachitaa Gupta via [email protected].

Roundup from Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice’s Activities and Events at Bonn Climate Change Conference SB56

Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice (DCJ) and its members took part in the Bonn Climate Change Conference for the 56th session of the subsidiary bodies, which took place from 6 to 16 June 2022, at the World Convention Center Bonn, Germany to prepare for the UN Climate Change Conference COP27 in November this year. This year the June sessions were focused on greenhouse gas emission reductions, adapting to climate impacts, and providing financial support for developing countries to cut emissions and adapt to climate change.

Scroll down for a roundup of DCJ’s activities in collaboration with its members during the 11 days of the Bonn Climate Change Conference.

False Solutions, Fossil Farces, and Fake Finance: What to Expect at Bonn Climate Change Conference, press conference by DCJ and members on June 7 2022

The Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice (DCJ)  held a press conference on June 7 2022 during the United Nations’ Conference on Climate Change at Bonn. DCJ and its members shared the demands and expectations of grassroot communities and frontline climate crisis defenders from this conference. They will also highlight the corporate capture of climate change dialogue perpetuating false solutions and greenwashing by the fossil fuel industry as well as lack of government action to address and mitigate loss and damage and provide climate finance for the Global South communities.

SPEAKERS

Meena Raman – Third World Network (TWN)

Claire Miranda – Asian Peoples Movement on Debt and Development (APMDD)

Rachel Rose Jackson – Corporate Accountability International (CA)

Moderated by Alex Rafalowics – Fossil Fuel Non Proliferation Treaty

False Solutions, Fossil Farces, and Fake Finance: What to Expect at Bonn Climate Change Conference, a press conference by DCJ and members

Put Loss and Damage on COP27 Agenda NOW: DCJ and its members joined other CSOs for action on Loss and Damage on June 7 2022

Action demanding loss and damage to be put on #COP27 agenda by CSOs and DCJ members at Bonn during SB56
Action demanding loss and damage to be put on #COP27 agenda by CSOs and DCJ members at Bonn during SB56

Climate Justice Pathways for Real Zero, Real Finance, and Real Action: SB56 Side Event on June 10 2022

DCJ joined its members Corporate Accountability International, Global Forest Coalition, Asia Pacific Movement on Debt and Development (APMDD) and Friends of the Earth Togo to co-host side-event ‘Climate Justice Pathways for Real Zero, Real Finance, and Real Action’ at Bonn Climate Change Conference where they discussed pathways to rapidly enact a 1.5-centered just transition that decreases emissions to #RealZero, how to urgently scale up finance for adaptation, and Loss and Damage. 

SPEAKERS

Gadir Lavadenz, Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice

Claire Miranda, Asian Peoples’ Movement on Debt and Development

Kwami Kponzo, Friends of the Earth Togo/Global Forest Coalition

Simone Lovera, Global Forest Coalition

Moderated by Rachel Rose Jackson, Corporate Accountability

Climate Justice Pathways for Real Zero, Real Finance, and Real Action: Side Event by DCJ and its members

Click below to view the full side event.


Pay Up for Loss and Damage: CSO Action on Loss and Damage Finance on June 11 2022

Pay Up for Loss and Damage: CSO Action on Loss and Damage Finance
Claire Miranda of DCJ’s member organization Asian Peoples Movement on Debt and Development during the CSOs action on Loss and Damage at SB56

Two weeks of all talk and no walk: A rocky road to Sharm el-Sheikh: Press Conference by DCJ and members, June 15 2022

The Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice (DCJ) held a press conference on June 15 2022 during the United Nations’ Conference on Climate Change at Bonn. With just hours left for climate talks to conclude in Bonn before negotiators reconvene at COP 27, representatives of DCJ explained the current state of play at UNFCCC’s SBs, share African civil society’s core demands, and what to expect on the ground in Sharm el-Sheikh in November.

SPEAKERS

Meena Raman, Third World Network

Tetet Lauron, Rosa Luxemburg Foundation

Colin Besaans, Powershift Africa

Rachel Rose Jackson, Corporate Accountability International 

Moderated by Gadir Lavadenz, Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice

Two weeks of all talk and no walk: A rocky road to Sharm el-Sheikh: Press Conference by DCJ and members

ACT NOW on Climate Crisis: DCJ and its members joined a CSO Action on last day of Bonn Climate Change Conference

DCJ and its members joined other CSOs on last day of Bonn Climate Change Conference calling out for governments to stop talking and ACT NOW on climate crisis, to pay up for loss and damage and climate finance and to support real solutions and not false solutions.

ACT NOW on Climate Crisis: DCJ and its members joined a CSO Action on last day of Bonn Climate Change Conference
ACT NOW on Climate Crisis: DCJ and its members joined a CSO Action on last day of Bonn Climate Change Conference

Check out some of the other resources on Bonn Climate Change Conference from DCJ and it’s members below.

CSO intervention by DCJ during the joint opening plenary

CSO intervention by DCJ during the closing plenary

Closing comments from climate justice voices around the world on the conclusion of Bonn Climate Talks

Daily Newsletter by Third World Network on Bonn Climate Talks


Closing comments from climate justice voices around the world on the conclusion of Bonn Climate Talks, June 2022

Empty Words, Hollow Promises, and False Solutions Ring Loud at Bonn Conference on Climate Change

Once again, as world leaders are gathered at Bonn to discuss the climate crisis, we have wasted another opportunity to take climate action. Civil Society Organizations express their anger and disappointment at the empty words and hollow discussions that continue to push the world, especially the Global South further towards climate catastrophe.

Claire Miranda, Asian Peoples Movement on Debt and Development

The US and its allies have again made a mockery of the Bonn Climate Talks. All their statements on ambition and their shameless attempts to deprioritize adaptation and loss and damage compared to mitigation as if they are making progress on ending fossil fuels, are enraging. Instead of making clear commitments to mobilize and deliver climate finance, they advance all these dialogues and empty talk shops as smokescreens to hide their plans of escaping from their climate obligations in Sharm el-Sheik. The Global South will make sure this hideous escape plan fails.

Souparna Lahiri, Global Forest Coalition 

The Global North has shown that they are not only about blocking climate finance, but climate action as a whole. The US, EU, and others are not only trying to rewrite history to erase any record of their owed climate debt. They are also blocking global progress to advance on issues such as collaborating to implement real solutions (in Article 6.8) and blocking pathways to achieve rights-based and gender responsive climate justice. But we will not let the Global North rewrite history. They must right their wrongs and address their harms. Real Zero. Real Solutions. Real Climate finance. No Net and No Offsets. These must be the benchmarks for COP27. The failure to deliver on any of them will mean the US and EU have turned their backs on climate action.

Hellen Neima, Corporate Accountability International

One out of five people in Africa are suffering from hunger, and this is just one of countless ways the climate crisis is spurring devastation that is ripping through our communities. We have had enough of rich, polluting countries silencing those trying to fight for justice. We have had enough of your “net zero” scams that disguise a bucketload of false solutions and that are way too little, way too late. We have had enough of your calls for action all while continuing to ramp up fossil fuels. We have had enough of you offering crumbs with one hand while you starve the world with the other. We have had enough of our lives being valued as less worthy than Big Polluters’ profits. It’s time to kick big polluters out and make them pay for the harms they cause. Your empty words cannot fill our stomachs or protect our homelands. People in Africa are rising up and will continue to rise up, until the justice that is owed is delivered at COP27.

Silvia Ribeiro, ETC group

Instead of commitments for real GHG reductions and support to Global South for just transitions, we see an increasing push for risky geoengineering technofixes and new carbon markets, assaulting agricultural soils, forests, marine and coastal ecosystems. This is a new wave of threats to biodiversity, food sovereignty, livelihoods and already impacted communities. These dangerous false solutions are also wasting the little time we have to prevent further catastrophic climate change.  We strongly reject these new forms of carbon colonialism. We need real solutions and real zero. Hands OFF Mother Earth!

Meena Raman, Third World Network

The rich world in Glasgow at COP26 talked about keeping the 1.5 degree C goal alive. Yet, all their actions since then have shown that the statements made are hollow and they do not mean what they say and they are hypocritical. The rich world continues to ask the developing world to pump more fossil fuels, as they also expand their own domestic production to counter the on-going energy crisis.   This is despite the on-going climate impacts all around the world, including in their own countries with unprecedented heat waves, fires and massive flooding. 

It is clear that the rich world is completely addicted to fossil fuels and have not managed to transition to clean energy despite all the time they have had since the 1994 UN Framework Convention on Climate Change came into effect. All they have done thus far is to continue to consume the very little remaining carbon budget left to limit the 1.5 degree C limit. 

At the same time, pressing developing countries to pump more oil and gas to support their addiction at a time when the developing world needs to be supported in making the clean energy transition is irresponsible behaviour. 

Coming to the Bonn Climate Conference and pushing for more mitigation ambition from developing countries is perpetuating carbon colonialism, and going back on their commitments under the  Convention and Paris Agreement. It is time to expose the lies of the rich world, as they do not mean what they say and do not honour promises and commitments kept.

Wanun Permpibul, Climate Watch Thailand and member of Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development

Women in communities in Asia and the Pacific are already facing climate impacts. While finance for adaptation is needed, many of the impacts go beyond the reach of adaptation efforts, and providing real finance for loss and damage is crucial. Climate finance must be based on needs, ensure direct access to women and communities, and support the design and implementation of gender-responsive climate action across all sectors, including capacity strengthening for institutions on gender. Developed countries need to be reminded of their fundamental obligation to deliver public and grant-based finance, not loans to address the needs, lives, and livelihoods of women and communities on the ground. We must say no to private financing, whose profit-making interests lead to climate catastrophe and demand justice in climate finance, to deliver gender and climate justice.

Stephanie Cabovianco, Climate Save Movement

We cannot build climate justice without addressing food systems. Regarding agriculture negotiations, parties avoided mentioning “agroecology.” Even if not mentioned in the Koronivia text, we encourage governments to mobilize resources that create capacity building and education on agroecology and nutrition. The focus on agriculture should be on ensuring food security and resilience, based on nature and local communities, and not on dangerous carbon sequestration strategies. Agroecological approaches have been led by local farmers and indigenous peoples worldwide, particularly in the Global South. 

Sara Shaw, Friends of the Earth International

With only a few months until COP27 and the IPCC warning we have 3 years, if that, to peak carbon emissions, rich countries are sleep walking us all into catastrophe. The disconnect between the accelerating climate crisis outside the conference halls and the lack of concrete action inside is palpable. Developed countries refuse to even discuss long owed and vital loss and damage finance. Instead of taking action, rich countries are trying to shift responsibility for action to developing countries, while expanding their own plans to extract fossil fuels and chasing unproven technofixes. We know the solution is a rapid and equitable phase out of fossil fuels and a shift to people-centered renewables. The obstacle to this future is not developing countries, but developed countries doing all they can to escape from their responsibilities.

David Williams, Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung

We are seeing what scientists have long been projecting in real time. People are increasingly being hit by severe storms, floods, droughts and heatwaves. Marginalized communities are most affected, carrying the burden of climate inaction on the part of industrialized nations. Their avoidance of responsibility, or even acknowledgement thereof, never ceases to astonish.

Teresa Anderson, ActionAid International

With the climate crisis escalating every day, countries from the global south, representing six out seven people on the planet, were united in their plea for funding to help them recover and rebuild in the aftermath of climate disasters. But rich countries, particularly the EU, spiked the discussion about loss and damage at every single turn. Whether it was about setting up a new finance facility, providing funds, organizing technical support, or even just including the issue on the agenda for discussion at COP27 later this year, rich countries continued to block, block, block. 

At this very moment, 20 million people in the Horn of Africa are hovering on the brink of famine. There is a terrifying disconnect between the real world and some of the rich country negotiators who live in safe bubbles and feel able to turn their backs on the rest of humanity.

Susann Scherbarth, BUND/ Friends of the Earth Germany

Germany has a hell of an agenda next week when leading the G7 Summit from 26-28 June in the South of Germany. We urge G7 leaders to take clear action – and not just talking – and follow what civil society around the world is demanding: an equitable end to fossil fuels and get on track to a 1,5 degree climate just pathway to limit devastating climate impacts around the world. After two weeks of talks in Bonn the hope faded away to get clear commitments by rich nations to adequately finance devastating impacts of the climate crisis. Finance in trillions is urgently necessary for mitigation, adaptation and loss & damage. We do not only talk about technical numbers here, we actually talk about lives and deaths around the world. The plan to have a well prepared COP27, happening later this year in Egypt, failed.

Victor Menotti, Oakland Institute

US State Department negotiators in Bonn kept up their pressure on other countries to cut more emissions, but without providing any new finance to support less wealthy countries while President Biden is urging fossil fuel producers to pump more oil and expand gas exports to Europe.  The US is accelerating a reckless race to pollute our planet’s remaining atmospheric space when it should be the first and fastest to phase out fossil fuels.  Energy price inflation threatens the election of US climate champions in a few months but the answer is not pumping more fossil fuels but reducing demand and supporting other fossil fuel dependent countries in their own just transitions.

About DCJ

The Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice (DCJ) is a global network of over 200 grassroot, regional, and global networks and organisations advocating for climate justice

Contact Us

For more information, comments, reactions and quotes please reach out to us at

Rachitaa Gupta, Communication Officer, Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice [email protected]  

Gadir Lavadenz, Global Coordinator, Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice [email protected]

Additional Information

Photos from Bonn (Please credit DCJ)

Intervention by Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice at SB56 Closing Plenary Session

June 16, 2022

Mr/Madam Chair,

This statement is delivered on behalf of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice. 

We want to denounce the current climate colonialism and the hypocrisy behind it. 

Thirty years ago this month, the UNFCCC was ceremoniously signed in Rio, yet countries who benefit most from the fossil fuels causing today’s climate crisis are still not weaning themselves away from their addiction. Contrary to their claims of keeping the 1.5C degrees alive, they continue today expanding their own fossil fuel use, now asking producers to pump more oil and gas – rather than reduce their own consumers’ demand – as the only cure to the current energy price crisis crushing poor countries and communities.

The world urgently needs a “fair shares phase out” of fossil fuels, but instead, talks in the past weeks only showed that rich nations’ emphasis on mitigation looks more like latching on to profitable private sector initiatives, lending them legitimacy by landing them in the UN.

Finance for developing countries continues to be shamefully low, not only for mitigation and adaptation but now also by running away from responsibilities for Loss and Damage.  Pay up, polluters. Own up to your climate debt, and historical responsibilities!

While visas are denied to many civil society leaders, the increased presence in Bonn of delegates representing corporate interests is evident especially in the Global Stocktake (GST). GST is our main tool to ratchet up action, but the heavy presence of corporate non-Party stakeholders risks drowning out peoples’ solutions for Real Zero.

Finally, DCJ warns against new attempts to convert our coasts and oceans into financial instruments and experimental sites for marine geoengineering technologies. Geoengineering is under moratoria at CBD and London Convention; UNFCCC must respect and reinforce these precautionary UN decisions. 

Thank you.

MEDIA ADVISORY

Two weeks of all talk and no walk: A rocky road to Sharm el-Sheikh

WHAT

The Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice (DCJ) is holding a press conference on June 15 2022 during the United Nations’ Conference on Climate Change at Bonn. With just hours left for climate talks to conclude in Bonn before negotiators reconvene at COP 27, representatives of DCJ will explain the current state of play at UNFCCC’s SBs, share African civil society’s core demands, and what to expect on the ground in Sharm el-Sheikh in November.

Bonn Climate Change Conference is the 56th session of the subsidiary bodies, which have been taking place from 6 to 16 June 2022, at the World Convention Center Bonn, Germany to prepare for the UN Climate Change Conference COP27 in November this year. This year the June sessions were focused on greenhouse gas emission reductions, adapting to climate impacts, and providing financial support for developing countries to cut emissions and adapt to climate change.

The Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice (DCJ) is a global network of over 200 grassroot, regional, and global networks and organisations advocating for climate justice.

WHEN

June 15, 2022 | 10.45 – 11.15 am CET

WHERE

Press Conference Room Nairobi 4 in the World Conference Center Bonn (WCCB), Platz der Vereinten Nationen 2, 53113 Bonn

Online Link: https://unfccc.int/event/environmental-non-governmental-organizations-engo-delegation/organization-global-campaign-to-demand 

SPEAKERS

  • Meena Raman, Third World Network
  • Tetet Lauron, Rosa Luxemburg Foundation
  • Colin Besaans, Powershift Africa
  • Rachel Rose Jackson, Corporate Accountability International 

MODERATOR

Gadir Lavadenz, Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice

CONTACT

For questions and concerns, please contact:
Rachitaa Gupta, Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice at [email protected] or Gadir Lavadenz, Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice at [email protected]

Intervention by Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice at SB56 Joint Opening Plenary

June 6, 2022

(Delivered by Gadir Lavadenz, Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice)

Mr/Madam Chair,

This statement is delivered on behalf of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice.

First, we want to express our deepest solidarity with all those impacted by wars and other acts of violence in our world today. 

Second, we want to ask delegates: Why will Bonn be any different than before?

Globally, we are facing war financed by the same fossil fuels warming our planet. Are governments going to address fossil fuel dependency properly?

Loss and damage impacts are more evident than ever affecting the people least responsible for climate change.  Will the top historical polluters still run away from their responsibilities?

Finance remains far below the promised $100 billion as the Green Climate Fund runs dry, and the most-polluting Parties avoid any new discussion of concrete figures. Will Parties legally responsible for providing climate finance deliver on their international obligations?

Polluting countries and corporations have already locked in the use of dangerous and ineffective carbon markets through Article 6.2 and 6.4. Now, Parties have an opportunity to advance real solutions that will reduce emissions through Article 6.8. Will they take this opportunity or keep focusing on dangerous distractions? 

Global stock taking starts as new data shows 40% of developed fossil fuel reserves must stay in the ground to limit warming within 1.5C.  But will we watch yet another discussion end without action?  

Given the moment of urgency we are living in, we denounce the hyper focus on Net Zero, Nature-based solutions, geoengineering and other distractions that derail us from addressing the real estructural causes of climate change. 

Finally and respectfully, we hope that under your guidance time allocation is managed in a way that allows us to speak to an actual crowd instead of to an empty room. 

Thank you very much

People power climate justice!

Media Advisory

False Solutions, Fossil Farces, and Fake Finance: What to Expect at Bonn Climate Change Conference

WHAT

The Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice (DCJ)  is holding a press conference on 6 June 2022 during the United Nations’ Conference on Climate Change at Bonn. DCJ and its members will share the demands and expectations of grassroot communities and frontline climate crisis defenders from this conference. They will also highlight the corporate capture of climate change dialogue perpetuating false solutions and greenwashing by the fossil fuel industry as well as lack of government action to address and mitigate loss and damage and provide climate finance for the Global South communities.

Bonn Climate Change Conference is the 56th session of the subsidiary bodies, which will take place from 6 to 16 June 2022, at the World Convention Center Bonn, Germany to prepare for the UN Climate Change Conference COP27 in November this year. This year the June sessions will focus on greenhouse gas emission reductions, adapting to climate impacts, and providing financial support for developing countries to cut emissions and adapt to climate change.

The Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice (DCJ) is a global network of over 200 grassroot, regional, and global networks and organizations advocating for climate justice.

WHEN

June 7, 2022 | 10.45 – 11.15 am CET

WHERE

Press Conference Room Nairobi 4 in the World Conference Center Bonn (WCCB), Platz der Vereinten Nationen 2, 53113 Bonn

SPEAKERS

Meena Raman – Third World Network (TWN)

Claire Miranda – Aisan Peoples Movement on Debt and Development (APMDD)

Rachel Rose Jackson – Corporate Accountability International (CA)

MODERATOR

Alex Rafalowics – Fossil Fuel Non Proliferation Treaty

CONTACT

For questions and concerns, please contact

Gadir Lavadenz Lamadrid – DCJ Coordinator

[email protected]

This Is [Not] The End

The diplomats who run UNFCCC climate negotiations are fond of doing what they call a “stock take” every once in a while. As we wait and wait for the final COP25 plenary to begin, a day into overtime, let’s do the same.

We came to Madrid with the situation in Chile in our minds and hearts. We have tried to echo the demands of the streets in the halls of power, as have many others.

At every opportunity we told the COP25 Presidency that we stand in solidarity with the movements in Chile. We supported their demand that Chile stop all repression of peaceful protestors, and take responsibility for human rights violations committed. We also supported calls for the government to establish a constituent assembly.

Chilean movements are clear in their opposition to an economic system which creates and perpetuates inequality. The same system is pouring fuel on the flames of the climate crisis – all around the world.

Image

COP cazeloraso

We marched with 500,000 others against such a system.

https://twitter.com/pragmactivist/status/1203060968030457864?s=20

And we took the anger of the streets into the halls of power. Because as climate justice movements we are for the many, not the few.

For this the UN security ripped our banners away, shouted at us and kettled us. Over 300 of us were pushed outside, into the cold, before finally being taken outside the venue, to a militarised police escort, before being split up and made to wait.

This all happened a matter of hours after Greta Thunberg gave a powerful speech to the conference, in which she said:

In just three weeks we will enter a new decade. This coming decade will define our future. Right now we are desperate for any sign of hope. Well I am telling you there is hope. I have seen it. But it does not come from governments or corporations. It comes from the people.

Of course this wasn’t the first or last action that we took.

https://twitter.com/ethanbuckner/status/1202619310545481729?s=20

No Ambition

Arriving in Madrid we knew that time is running out. A new decade is weeks away. We lamented the loss of the previous decade to inaction and distraction.

We hoped that when countries took stock of their climate actions prior to 2020 they would see the shocking gulf between what they’ve done what what they needed to have done. And then *do* something about it. But just like in 2014, 2016, and 2018, we sat through yet another pointless talk-shop. Neither the COP President nor the UNFCCC offered a process for this ‘stock take’ to lead to anything concrete.

Developing countries proposed to set up a work programme to properly examine the actions taken during pre-2020 period and bridge the “implementation gap.”

It’s good to see a few more people here than at the technical pre-2020 stocktake. Tellingly the room is a lot less crowded that the plenary with Greta this morning. Priorities, right?

In that plenary we heard for the umpteenth time that we have an extremely limited amount of time in which to completely transform our economy and societies.

We’ve already glimpsed the horrors that await us if we don’t – a world on fire and battered by storms. An even less equitable world, less able to react properly to this emergency.

What we haven’t seen is any serious response. Developed countries were supposed to lead but have done next to nothing since 1990. UNEP talks about a lost decade; we should actually talk about 3 lost decades.

It is very hard to build trust with broken promises. I said it at the last plenary: it is a joke that 7 years after it was agreed, Parties have still not ratified the Doha Amendment. The Paris Agreement was ratified in under a year.

We enter the Paris Agreement carrying the failings of the recent past and present. Both mitigation and finance has been wholly inadequate in pre-2020, and sets us up for post-2020 action which will be more challenging, and less fair. 

So here’s a question: How can we expect anything from the Paris Agreement if pre-2020 agreements have been cast aside? 

Here’s another: what’s the point of distant, loophole-ridden, false-zero 2050 targets such as the UK’s, when pre-2020 action has been forgotten? Today’s leaders won’t be alive, let alone in power in 2050. We know your 2050 pledges are just more lies.

For these reasons, we echo the proposal by LMDC, supported by Africa Group, Arab group, and others, for COP25 to mandate a work programme on closing the pre-2020 implementation gaps on mitigation, adaptation, finance, technology, and capacity building and to close those gaps. We need more ideas like this.

We don’t need any more conversations or reflections. Do your fair share.

No Accountability

We have another potentially useful tool to assess and hold northern countries accountable for the climate action they have or haven’t taken before 2020. It’s called the 2nd Periodic Review. The last report of this kind produced language about 1.5 and 2 degrees goals which eventually made its way into the Paris Agreement.

But developed countries were aware of this and made proposals which would make the 2nd Review yet another meaningless talk-shop. The US proposed to cancel the review, and when that was not a viable option proposed to narrow the scope to just science. The EU tried to remove the words “assess” and “adequacy” from the text.

Instead the text includes a very watered down phase, “aggregate effect,” which could mean individual country’s commitments can’t be singled out. So there’s no way to hold polluters to account.

“Article 6”

The main course for the past 2 weeks, leaving us all with indigestion, was a re-heated dish called “Article 6.” Or, as it has come to be known, “how to pollute more and get away with it” (for background, read above).

Article 6 emerged from negotiations on how countries could work together to reduce emissions. But many polluting countries have fixated on carbon trading and offsetting. Which is frustrating, as these approaches have failed to reduce carbon emissions, and have detrimentally impacted human rights while simultaneously commodifying nature.

These discussions are highly contentious and highly complex. This issue nearly scuppered the COP24 last year in Poland and could potentially do so for real this time. Under pressure to reach any agreement, countries risk landing on a bad agreement. In such a case we think that no deal is better.

Some of the main issues of contention, still unresolved at 4am on Sunday 15 December, are:

  • whether or not to include language about respecting human rights, indigenous rights, and gender safeguards
  • whether or not to carry over carbon credits from a previous trading scheme
  • whether or not to allow for carried credits to be sold or used by the country that generated them
  • how to conduct “corresponding adjustments” to countries emissions’ data after a trade, in order to avoid “double counting” of emissions reductions
  • whether or not to include metrics other than reductions in greenhouse gases in the mechanism
  • whether or not to allow for all forms of greenhouse gas removal, rather than merely “removals by sinks”
  • how to take the conversation forward on “non-market approaches” to collaboration
  • whether or not some “share of proceeds” from profit generated by the new mechanism would go towards the Adaptation Fund
  • whether or not some of the emission reductions generated through the mechanism remain unused by any entity to compensate other emissions, to achieve “overall reduction in global emissions.”

On Friday night the “landing zone” for these questions resembled a sort of crash-site. Human rights are probably in, but in an annex. We think that either carry overs or double counting will make it in. But the countries basically do not agree at all and everyone is saying they won’t back down.

Loss and damage refers to how we deal with the impacts of climate breakdown that are already happening and cannot be avoided. Sudden disasters and slow onset events like droughts lead to loss of lives and livelihoods, but also loss and heritage and culture.

Negotiators disappeared behind closed doors early on and stayed there. Developing countries were very active and put forward their ideas in writing. This directed discussions more towards concrete implementation than ever before. Many civil society groups also advanced the idea of setting up a loss and damage finance facility.

However, rich countries repeatedly blocked loss and damage finance. The US in particular played a lead role in wrecking this lifeline plan for the world’s poor. They proposed to insert a no liability or compensation clause into the Paris Agreement. This would give historical polluters blanket protection against any liability and compensation claims.

The proposal was too hot to leave to technical negotiators and so went to the COP25 Presidency to sort out at a higher level.

The small islands made a rather weak proposal which didn’t include a finance facility. Instead they asked for a ‘window’ under the Green Climate Fund (one of the UNFCCC’s multilateral funding mechanisms). Other proposals watered down demands for “new and additional” finance from the historic polluter countries – seemingly in exchange for getting sort term relief on the ground.

Eventually they produced a draft text that would:

  • Establish a long-overdue “Expert Group” by 2020
  • Establish a “Santiago Network” to catalyse technical assistance
  • Contain no language on new and additional finance
  • “Urge” developed nations to “scale up” finance
  • Refer to available finance rather than generating new and additional finance
  • Ask for loss and damage finance to come from the Green Climate Fund (GCF)

This last point is a problem because it “cuts the same cake into more pieces”. Diverting money from the GCF also means eating into adaptation finance and ultimately exposing more people to climate disasters.

Developed countries persisted in opposing the need to have a discussion on long-term finance. As far as they are concerned it ends in 2020 even though the Paris Agreement extends it to 2025. Developing countries made a big stink towards the end of COP and made frequent mention of finance in the plenaries.

Total Breakdown

All of the above issues were unresolved by the scheduled end time. The talks rolled on to Saturday amid a subdued atmosphere. No glimpse of an agreement was on the horizon. Scheduled closing plenaries disappeared from screens. The Presidency announced a final stock taking session for Saturday morning. Then Saturday evening, then midnight, then 3.30am Sunday. None of them were followed by a closing plenary.

https://twitter.com/wirereporter/status/1205826374952538113?s=20

The mood turned sour and those civil society who were left issued ever more alarming soundbites to the even fewer remaining journalists.

The blame is clear.

We held a space to represent the views of the people of the world. Not the governments.

At the time of writing (4am Sunday morning) the negotiations are still ongoing. Countries are hell bent on avoiding a no-deal. None of them want to deal with the fallout. Copenhagen has traumatised them as it traumatised us.

But the agreements are hard to come by. Finance, loss and damage, article 6, and the COP decision itself are all stuck. The Presidency keeps drafting new texts based on inputs but when the inputs are contradictory, trust is at an all-time low and the diplomacy skills are weak, what chance is there of success?

We will present the final decisions, if indeed Parties arrive at any, and explain what they mean as soon as we can.