Tag Archives: Bonn

Press Releases, SB60, Statements

Rough Road to COP29: Rich Countries Pushing Global South Off the Tracks

13 June, 2023

Bonn, Germany

2023 was the hottest year on record with global temperatures close to 1.5 degrees. As the 60th Subsidiary Bodies meetings of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change: SBSTA and SBI come to a close, the global community faces stark realities about the ongoing climate crisis and the persistent inaction of developed countries. Recent UNFCCC reports reveal that rich nations, historically responsible for the bulk of greenhouse gas emissions, have only met a quarter of the emission cuts urged by scientists. These same countries are pushing developing nations for ambitious Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) while putting on a concerted effort to not commit or deliver on their own climate finance obligations urgently needed by the developing countries.

Adding to the injustice, rich countries continue to advocate for false solutions like nature-based solutions, geoengineering, carbon capture and storage, and carbon markets. These tactics allow them and their corporations to evade genuine emission reductions and delay the phase-out of fossil fuels, perpetuating the exploitation of the Global South communities at the frontline of this crisis. Rich countries need to step up and pay up for their responsibility by delivering on an ambitious New Common Quantified Goal that ensures new, additional, predictable and non-debt creating grant based public finance that goes towards real solutions and not towards dangerous distractions. The Global South is owed reparations in trillions and not billions and we need them to go towards solutions developed by peoples who are at the frontlines and suffer the disproportionate impacts of the climate crisis.

As we head towards COP29, it is imperative to hold these nations accountable and demand real, equitable climate action.

Quotes and Reactions from DCJ Members

Meena Raman, Third World Network

“If the developed world is serious about ambition in mitigation, they must in their forthcoming communication of their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) indicate that they will phase out from the use of fossil fuels urgently and will provide the scale of finance needed for developing countries to enable their just and equitable energy transition. The rich world must also indicate the financial resources they will provide for the new collective quantified goal on finance which has to be agreed to in Baku by the end of this year, to enable developing countries to address their mitigation, adaptation and loss and damage needs. Thus far, developed countries have refused to indicate any quantum of finance. They have money for bombs and war but have no money for paying up their climate debt. They must Step Up, Pay Up and meet their obligations under the Paris Agreement. They have the money but not the political will and this must change, if we are serious about enabling a liveable planet for all. “

Mariana Pinzón, CENSAT Agua Viva/Friends of the Earth Colombia

“One more round of climate negotiations ends and, once again, profound decisions are postponed for a new cycle. The discussions do not respond to the urgency of a crisis that is growing exponentially, but to the rhythm of large fossil fuel corporations, linked in turn to the world financial system, and to the wealth of the countries of the Global North. Those most affected, the communities of the Global South, are not heard. The recognition of an ecological debt owed by the Global North to the Global South does not appear in the discussions, let alone the obligation to reduce their GHG emissions to real zero not “net” zero. Neo-extractivist and debt-linked finance promise to maintain the status quo. Meanwhile, more people are being displaced by the climate crisis as right-wing governments gain space and promise to put up their walls.”

ASSEM Ekue, Les Amis de la Terre-Togo

“The false climate solutions we’re hearing about at the Bonn climate talks, such as carbon offsetting, carbon trading schemes and geo-engineering, are nothing more than technological or commercial schemes promoted by fossil fuel companies and their political allies. Their consequences include deforestation, land grabbing and violations of the rights of local communities in Africa. They are undoubtedly a danger to communities and ecosystems.”

Eduardo Giesen, DCJ Regional Coordinator, Latin America and the Caribbean 

“Once again in Bonn, climate negotiations continue to move away from the systemic change that requires solving the climate crisis with justice, collaboration, peace and care for nature. On the contrary, the logic of arrogance, war, commodification and corporate power, expressed in north-south relations and the imposition of false solutions within the framework of negotiations, continue to prevail.

For organizations in Latin America and the Caribbean, it is a new frustration that reinforces our effort to focus on producing systemic change from our own territories and communities.”

Dr Tamra Gilbertson, Indigenous Environmental Network

“Negotiators at the SBSTA 60 continued geopolitical colonial practices that uphold power regimes in the global North putting Indigenous Peoples, women and local communities’ lives at risk. With the UN claiming lack of funds, close to a third of the budget is set aside to build and continue carbon markets in Article 6 of the Paris Agreement and to continue the clean development mechanism running in a limbo status. The UNFCCC processes undermine efforts to stop the serious threat of climate change and its underpinning processes, which will certainly be apparent in Baku in November. We do not have time to continue down the path of colonial-development fossil fuel power regimes heightened by the UN; it is time to end this violence.”

Asad Rehman, Executive Director, War on Want:

“Transition is now inevitable, the question is what kind of transition? The answer from rich countries in Bonn is that the goal is an unjust and inequitable transition condemning the majority of the world to increased climate violence, keeping them trapped in unequal societies. Rich countries need to stop financing bombs and bullets and instead invest in the life-saving systems needed by those on the frontlines.

Global North countries appear determined to bully the Global South while billions around the world desperately need concrete international action, including sufficient additional non-debt creating finance and technology transfers. This must be enabled by securing trade justice, implementing a fairer global taxation system, and redirecting damaging subsidies.”

Souparna Lahiri, Global Forest Coalition

“With 6 years to go for 2030 and what looks like a pretty ambitious but scientifically deduced benchmark of 1.5, the UNFCCC has lost the plot. We are facing a climate chaos and not a climate crisis anymore! Where the markets dictate, the dirty polluters preach and the rich west wants to come out clean of its historical responsibility of ravaging our planet,  our mother earth. We have had enough of these false promises and false solutions. It’s time to reclaim our land, our forests, and justice for Indigenous Peoples, women and local communities who are victims of colonialism, capitalism and climate colonialism. That’s our pathway to climate justice, real solutions and real zero.”

Sara Shaw, Friends of the Earth International 

“Developing countries need trillions in new public finance for adaptation, loss and damage and for a just transition away from fossil fuels. But developed countries are not even offering crumbs from the table and are blocking all progress. They want developing countries to accept loans which will further fuel debt, and are pushing already discredited carbon market finance schemes which causes grave harm in the Global South. This is a disaster.”

Rachel Rose Jackson, Corporate Accountability

“The Bonn climate talks produced wanting and watered down outcomes totally out of touch with reality.  Millions of lives are already being lost and impacted as a result of the climate crisis, yet urgency and fairness is totally lacking in this process. What is not lacking is the chokehold the fossil fuel industry and other Big Polluters have over this process, and there is no shortage of bullying by Global North governments evading their fair share. Until we end the ability of Big Polluters to write the rules of climate action, climate talks will continue to condemn rather than save lives.”

Rachitaa Gupta, Global Coordinator, Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice

“We saw deepening distrust at the climate talks in Bonn as rich countries continued to block progress and refused to step up and own up to their historical responsibilities for the ongoing climate crisis. We call out the misplaced priorities of the rich countries as they mobilise more money for the ongoing genocide in Palestine than for climate action.These same actors are perpetuating both the climate crisis and the systemic violence happening around the world.

As the Global South continues to reels from the climate crisis induced devastation, it is time for rich countries to reckon with their history and pay up the climate debt owed to the Global South. We need reparations in trillions not billions and we need them now to go towards real solutions – those developed by peoples who are at the frontlines and suffer the disproportionate impacts of the climate crisis”

Dr Leon Sealey-Huggins, War on Want on behalf of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice Just Transition Working Group

“We leave Bonn with little concrete progress on the Just Transition Work Programme. Yet we need rapid, just and equitable transitions essential to transforming our economies and societies in the face of climate breakdown and rampant global inequalities. Rich countries’ shenanigans included refusing to honour the original decision which stipulated that ‘international cooperation’ would enable just transitions (3/CMA.5). They would prefer the JTWP to be a talking shop, and refuse to support practical measures such as finance or technology transfer. We will continue to build grassroots power in our communities to fight for real change, and push for more tangible outcomes at COP29.”

Laurie van der Burg, Oil Change International:

“While lives are being lost in unbearable heat waves in Sudan, last year’s breakthrough agreement to transition away from fossil fuels was barely mentioned in these negotiations. The rich countries most responsible for this crisis must pay up for a fair fossil fuel phase-out and climate damages, without worsening unjust debts. We know they have more than enough money. It’s just going to the wrong things. 

“G7 leaders gathering in Italy today must face their responsibility. Instead of siding with fossil fuel interests, they need to deliver a fair fossil fuel phase-out, end fossil fuel handouts, and put a strong climate finance offer on the table. This is essential to build a fair and renewable future for all.”

Victor Menotti, Interim US Coordinator, Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice

“DCJ sees a ROUGH road to Baku given the little progress and deepening distrust here in Bonn. BURYING data from Annex 1 reports showing that the richest nations cut only one-fifth of the emissions scientists urged does NOT reverse the deteriorating spirit of cooperation. Nor does publicly declaring success while actually delivering only $51B of the $100B promised, as their reports reveal. Biennial Transparency reports (BTRs) BEFORE Baku – as well as coming clean on why such poor performance – are paramount.

We DO see a HOPEFUL way ahead, but only if rich countries step up to their responsibilities by drafting NDCs that are EQUITABLY aligned with 1.5C. That means the biggest historical polluters must not do only the global AVERAGE but indeed much more…For example, by making PERMANENT the pause on new LNG export permits to end the world’s largest expansion of fossil fuels. Ending LNG‘s expansion would convince other countries that aligning with 1.5C is truly the North Star of policymaking for the biggest historical polluters.”

Harjeet Singh, Global Engagement Director for the Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty Initiative

“Climate finance at international talks has morphed into a battleground, a glaring testament to years of neglect and deception by developed nations. These countries have not only skirted their historical responsibilities but have also consistently deployed delay tactics, shifting burdens onto the shoulders of developing countries.

“We are on the brink of a catastrophic failure of climate talks, harming those least responsible for the crisis. It is time for wealthy nations to confront their obligations head-on, to integrate substantial climate finance commitments into their national budgets, and to impose punitive taxes on fossil fuel corporations and the super-rich — those who have profited most from the exploitation of our planet. 

“As we witness devastating impacts affecting people and nature, our patience has run thin. We need action to raise trillions of dollars, not excuses, to finance the urgent climate solutions needed to safeguard our future and restore justice to the communities bearing the brunt of climate change.”

Teresa Anderson, Global lead on climate justice, ActionAid International: 

“Across the board, negotiation tracks nearly ran off the rails with rich countries blocking the finance needed to make climate action happen. COP29 negotiations in Baku on the new climate finance goal will be a fork in the road for Planet Earth. Developing countries have been carrying the costs of the climate crisis, and their patience is now stretched beyond bearing. Right now, it’s the people who have done almost nothing to cause the climate crisis who are paying for it with their lost livelihoods, their hunger, their disappearing islands, and their lives.

“There’s no getting around the fact that if we want enough climate action to ensure a safe future for everyone, we’re going to have to find a way of covering the costs. The climate bill will be in multiple trillions of dollars, but the good news is that tax justice can be a game-changer for climate action. New ActionAid research shows that developed countries can raise USD 2 trillion for climate action by raising their tax-to-GDP ratios by four percentage points, with a range of progressive tax measures that address tax avoidance, and target the wealthiest corporations and individuals.”

Quotes in other languages

[Portuguese]

Dr Tamra Gilbertson, Indigenous Environmental Network

“Os negociadores no SBSTA 60 continuaram as práticas coloniais geopolíticas que sustentam regimes de poder no Norte global, colocando povos indígenas, mulheres e vidas de comunidades locais em risco. Com a ONU alegando falta de fundos, quase um terço do orçamento é reservado para construir e continuar os mercados de carbono no Artigo 6 do Acordo de Paris e para continuar o mecanismo de desenvolvimento limpo em execução em um status de limbo. Os processos da UNFCCC prejudicam os esforços para deter a séria ameaça das mudanças climáticas e seus processos de sustentação, que certamente serão aparentes em Baku em novembro. Não temos tempo para continuar no caminho dos regimes colonial de poder do combustíveis fósseis pela ONU; é hora de acabar com essa violência.”

[Español]

Dr Tamra Gilbertson, Indigenous Environmental Network

“Los negociadores del SBSTA 60 continuaron con las prácticas coloniales geopolíticas que sostienen los regímenes de poder en el Norte global, poniendo en riesgo la vida de los pueblos indígenas, las mujeres y las comunidades locales. Mientras la ONU alega falta de fondos, cerca de un tercio del presupuesto se reserva para construir y mantener los mercados de carbono en el Artículo 6 del Acuerdo de París y para continuar con el mecanismo de desarrollo limpio funcionando en un estado de limbo. Los procesos de la CMNUCC socavan los esfuerzos para detener la grave amenaza del cambio climático y sus procesos subyacentes, lo que sin duda será evidente en Bakú en noviembre. No tenemos tiempo para continuar por el camino de los regímenes de desarrollo colonial basados ​​en combustibles fósiles y de acentuados por la ONU; es hora de poner fin a esta violencia.”

Mariana Pinzón, CENSAT Agua Viva/Friends of the Earth Colombia

“Termina una ronda más de negociaciones sobre el clima y, una vez más, las decisiones profundas se posponen para un nuevo ciclo. Las discusiones no responden a la urgencia de una crisis que crece exponencialmente, sino al ritmo de las grandes corporaciones de combustibles fósiles, vinculadas a su vez al sistema financiero mundial, y a la riqueza de los países del Norte Global. Los más afectados, las comunidades del Sur Global, no son escuchados. El reconocimiento de una deuda ecológica del Norte Global con el Sur Global no aparece en los debates, y mucho menos la obligación de reducir sus emisiones de GEI a cero real y no a cero “neto”. El neoextractivismo y las finanzas vinculadas a la deuda prometen mantener el statu quo. Mientras tanto, más personas se ven desplazadas por la crisis climática a medida que los gobiernos de derechas ganan espacio y levantan sus muros.”

Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice is a network of over 200 networks and organisations working globally, regionally, and locally on climate justice. Collectively we represent millions of climate activists on the ground.Our members are available for comments and interviews in different languages. Contact: Neha Gupta, [email protected]; Signal/Whatsapp: +91 9810 078 055

Interventions, SB60

INTERVENTION BY GLOBAL CAMPAIGN TO DEMAND CLIMATE JUSTICE ON GST ANNUAL DIALOGUE AT ROUNDTABLE 3 ON INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION 

Thank you co-facilitators.

I am Victor Menotti of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice speaking on behalf of Environmental NGOs.

ENGOs were asked to address the topic of international cooperation, an idea in the Paris Agreement‘s Article 14, which says, “in the light of equity and the best available science…the global stocktake SHALL inform Parties in…enhancing international cooperation“, thus making it integral for action going forward.

One main principle for effective cooperation is everyone doing their fair share, which is consistent with equity, in any collective effort. If major players shirk their responsibilities, then trust deteriorates, cooperation collapses and we fail to meet our common goal.

Economists call violators of this principle “free riders“ because they benefit from doing disproportionately little, while letting others bear the burden of caring for common goods. Even President Biden pushes for all Americans to pay their fair share of taxes.

Yet at yesterday’s NDC Roundtable, we saw considerable comment, and some confusion, not on aligning actions with 1.5C, but on how countries can do it equitably.

While NDCs might be, by definition, decided domestically, they must also be informed by international realities. If not, we will fail.

Since the Paris Agreement, civil society has used a climate equity calculator that shows, according to each country’s historical responsibilities and respective capabilities, its equitable contribution to the global effort of – not dividing a blown carbon budget – but actually achieving 1.5C equitably.  It includes the level of international cooperation required, because it is integral to getting to our goal equitably. 

Several Parties have also developed methodologies to quantify equitable contributions, beginning with Brazil from 25 years ago, as well as Switzerland, India, China, and who knows how many others. That‘s why ENGOs are urging Parties to use the GST Dialogue to discuss these methodologies, to debate their merits, and to urge countries to use them in developing their NDCs.  It’s not too late, so we again ask Parties to take up this discussion, formally or informally, but before you determine your contribution, and urgently.

GST outcomes also need cooperation to advance COP28‘s headline outcome of “transitioning from fossil fuels,“ since 60% of today‘s developed reserves must remain in the ground to stay within 1.5C. But doing this equitably, orderly and responsibly means cooperating on a level that is still unimaginable for many people today, yet the survival of our planet and its peoples depend on it; not in the future, but now. 

Cooperation on fossil fuels, to be fair, requires the largest historical polluters who are still major producers to be the first and fastest to phase out. For example, the US “pause“ on new LNG export permits must be made permanent, and put into its NDC. And its record oil output rapidly reduced so it stops undercutting stable prices that other oil-producing countries need to finance their own transitions.

Cooperation on finance means not only agreeing at COP29 on a quantum, its quality, etc., but delivering on that deal through updated NDCs with non-mitigation elements of finance and technology.  For the largest historical polluters to cut their emissions by merely the global average is one form of free riding, but then failing to provide the finance and technology they committed to provide further degrades trust and deepens the crisis.

Cooperation can also advance non-market approaches for forests and land to mobilize Means of Implementation for GST‘s goal of reversing deforestation by 2030, recognizing that carbon finance is not climate finance.

As ES SImon Steill noted at the Petersberg Climate Dialogue, NCQG outcomes also depend  on what happens outside UNFCCC, from reforming MDBs to mobilizing private finance. That’s why NDCs could also incorporate actions resulting from other arenas of international cooperation, including:

– Debt reduction in ongoing restructuring talks;

– Tax justice through a new UN Tax Convention;

– Relaxing monopoly patents for intellectual property rights

– Reforming discriminatory world trade rules against developing countries

– Shifting fossil fuel subsidies toward energy sufficiency, efficiency, and renewables

– Redirecting military budgets toward climate finance while reducing military emissions.

All of these areas will provide more fiscal space to developing country budgets and significantly lower the overall bill for NCQG.

International cooperation must take many forms to fit the purpose of protecting our planet and its peoples, so see this as just a beginner’s list to get us going on what must become a new era of diplomacy that delivers climate justice.

Statements

More than 100 Climate Justice and Human Rights Organisations Call on German Government to End Suppression of Pro-Palestinian Voices

As a global network of human rights and climate justice organisations, we stand in unwavering solidarity with the people of Palestine. We see the struggle of the Palestinian people against occupation and apartheid as part of our collective struggle for climate, racial, economic, gender, and political justice and for a world where everyone has the right to live with dignity, free from oppression. Our commitment to justice, equity, and the preservation of our planet drives us to speak out against the interconnected injustices that fuel both human rights abuses and environmental destruction. It is in this spirit that we condemn the actions of the German government in suppressing pro-Palestine events and its complicity in the ongoing violence against the people of Palestine and Gaza.

Recent events in Germany have highlighted a disturbing trend of silencing dissent and stifling the voices of those who stand in solidarity with the people of Palestine. German police recently cracked down on peaceful pro-Palestinian protestors, with numerous incidents of excessive force and arbitrary detentions reported during demonstrations across major cities like Berlin. We stand in solidarity with the activists who have been subjected to unwarranted surveillance, and organisations that support Palestinian rights who have faced increased scrutiny and restrictions.

We call out this suppression that extends to the academic sphere as well, with experts like Dr. Ghassan Abu Sitta, a British-Palestinian surgeon and witness to acts of war crimes by Israel in Gaza, being denied entry into Germany and other prominent figures like Yanis Varoufakis and Salman Abu Sitta simply for expressing solidarity with Palestine.

We condemn the German media and the political leaders for their racist and islamophobic rhetoric vilifying Palestine voices and supporters by attempting to brand anti-zionist narratives as anti-semetic.

By cracking down on peaceful protestors and banning experts, it is clear that the German government would rather align itself with oppressive regimes and contribute to the perpetuation of ongoing injustices in Gaza. This trend is not isolated to Germany; similar crackdowns on peaceful protests have been observed across the Global North, including the United States, where student protests on campuses in support of Palestine have also faced violent crackdown.

We also recall the hypocritical stance of Germany and the European Union lawmakers against Egypt, host of COP27 in 2022. As nations that talk about upholding fundamental human rights like the right to freedom of expression, and the right to assembly and association, the suppression of pro-Palestine activities and Palestinian voices in large parts of the Global North has laid bare the hegemony of the western world and exposed the truth of their “moral superiority”.

We call out Germany’s complicity in the ongoing conflict in Gaza that extends beyond the censorship of Palestinian voices. Between 2001 and 2020, Germany exported approximately $1.7 billion worth of military equipment to Israel. Its defence export approvals to Israel in 2023 rose nearly tenfold from the previous year and accounts for nearly 30% of arms supplied to Israel thus enabling the ongoing assault on Palestine and Gaza.

As of May 2024, the ongoing conflict in Gaza has resulted in over 36,000 Palestinian deaths, with the majority being women and children. More than 200 days of war has led to mass graves, crippled hospitals, thousands of civilian deaths and near total destruction of infrastructure in Gaza, including residential areas, schools, and universities. A child is killed or wounded every 10 mins in Gaza, more than 10,000 women have been killed, including 2 mothers killed every hour in Gaza, and 250 Palestinians are killed every day by Israel. Nearly 200 aid workers, more than 100 journalists and 493 healthcare workers have been killed in Gaza so far.

Right to health has been decimated in Gaza, as 84 per cent of all health facilities are damaged or destroyed and 62 percent of all homes have been destroyed in Gaza. Israel, supported by its western allies, including Germany, has consistently used starvation as a weapon of war, the devastating effects of which can be seen throughout Gaza as nearly 1.1 million people in Gaza are facing catastrophic levels of food insecurity.

It is inexcusable that Germany and its western allies continue to arm a state engaged in such acts of aggression and human rights violations against the people of Palestine. We hold Germany and its western allies accountable for their unwavering support for Israel, as the majority of the world supports the South Africa’s genocide case against Israel  in ICJ as well as the ICC case where the ICC prosecutor recently requested arrest warrants for Israel’s prime minister and defence minister. 

We condemn Germany and western world’s silence on these proceedings that allow Israel to continue its genocidal war and intimidation with impunity and shows total destruction of the global rules based system.

A recent report by Francesca Albanese, UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, states “Israel’s executive and military leadership and soldiers have intentionally distorted jus in bello principles, subverting their protective functions, in an attempt to legitimise genocidal violence against the Palestinian people”. We call on Germany, and the international community to uphold its moral and legal obligation to stop these attacks and support efforts that promote justice, accountability, and the protection of human rights for all.

We demand Germany and the western world to redirect resources expended on conflict and arms to address the pressing issue of climate change. In 2020, global military expenditure reached nearly $2 trillion. In addition to the direct financial cost, the carbon footprint of the world’s militaries is substantial at nearly 5.5% of the global emissions. The destruction caused by conflict leads to environmental degradation, loss of biodiversity, and the displacement of communities, all of which compound the challenges of climate change.

The financial priorities of major powers also reflect a troubling disparity between military aid and climate action. Since 2016, the US has been giving Israel a military aid of $3.3 billion every year, which means, from 2016-2023, the US has spent $26.4 billion of public finance as military aid to Israel, a country that has been responsible for the oppression and apartheid of more than 5 million Palestinian people, including displacement of more than 2 million people within Gaza. In 2022, the US did not meet its climate finance obligation based on its historical responsibility, yet continued the delivery of the $3.3 billion military aid to Israel.  The struggle for human rights and the fight for climate justice are inextricably linked. Both are driven by the need to challenge systems of oppression and exploitation that prioritise profit and power over people and the planet. The colonial extractive systems that underpin the current climate crisis are the same systems that fuel conflict and human rights abuses.

We strongly reaffirm our solidarity with the people of Palestine and call on the global community to stand in unity with the oppressed. As we gather for the United Nations Climate Change Conference in Bonn from 3 June to 13 June 2024, we call on Germany and all our governments and international bodies to work together to end the war, and to bring all those responsible for war crimes to justice. We demand an end to the occupation and genocide of the Palestinian people and all those who are fighting for justice and dignity. We call on governments, corporations, and civil society to join us in challenging the systems of oppression and exploitation that threaten our planet and our future. There is no climate justice without human rights.

Our Demands

We call on the German government to:

  • End Impunity: Stop support for Israel, including ending arms sales to Israel particularly in the context of human rights violations and stop all support and funding to Israel immediately. Political alliances should not take precedence over human lives.
  • Support a Just Peace in Palestine: Advocate for a just and lasting resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that respects the rights and dignity of all individuals.
  • Uphold Right to Free Speech and Assembly:  Respect the rights to free speech and peaceful assembly of Palestinian voices including the global civil society by allowing events and protests to proceed without intimidation or harassment
  • Redirect Military Spending to Climate Action: Reallocate military spending towards climate finance and to support peoples led solution to climate crisis

We also call on the international community to:

  • Immediate Ceasefire: We echo the calls of the United Nations Secretary General and  humanitarian and human rights organisations for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza
  • End the illegal blockade: Urgent humanitarian and emergency aid must be provided to civilians in Gaza. The people of Gaza are in dire need of medical supplies, food, water, and other essential resources, which need to be restored urgently.
  • Hold Israel Accountable: Ensure that Israel is held accountable for its genocidal war in Gaza and violations of international law and human rights, including its recent offensive in Rafah
  • Stop Racism, Islamophobia and Anti-Semitism: We stand in solidarity with our comrades in the Jewish and Muslim communities who face bigotry. The struggle for climate justice is a struggle for racial justice.
  • Promote Systemic Change: Challenge the colonial and extractive systems that drive both environmental destruction and human rights abuses.

Launching Organisations

Colectivo VientoSur, Chile

Asian Peoples’ Movement on Debt and Development

Third World Network

War on Want

Corporate Accountability

International

Aliança RECOs – Aliança em Redes de Comutiária desde o Sul Global

ANGRY – alliance of non-governmental radical youth

ASOCOLEMAD

Centre for Environment, Human Rights & Development Forum – CEHRDF

EDGE Funders Alliance 

Equal Right

Food Justice Network 

Global Forest Coalition

IBON International

International Rivers

JASS – Just Associates

Laboratorio Experimental do Som 

Movimento Mulheres pela Paz na Palestina

Parable of Sower Intentional Community Cooperative

RIPESS 

Society for International Development

The Rights Studio 

Regional

 THE CENTER OF INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN LAW & HUMAN RIGHTS

Africa for SDGs 

ALTSEAN-Burma

AMJO

Asociación La Ruta del Clima 

Black Earth Kollektiv

Comitê de Energia Renovável do Semiárido-CERSA

Corporate Accountability and Public Participation Africa 

CSYM HUDUMA -MBUENET 

DARE Direct Action for Rights and Equality

End Fossil, Occupy! Utrecht 

Good Health Community Programmes 

Hawaii Peace and Justice

Indigenous Environmental Network

La Ruta del Clima 

Labor/Community Strategy Center

Migrant Workers Voice 

Mines mineral and people

Micronesia Climate Change Alliance

Natural Justice

Permanecer en la Tierra, Red Regional Latinoamérica y Caribe

Ponlok Khmer Organization

Regional Advocacy for Women’s Sustainable Advancement(RAWSA) Alliance for African&Arab States

Women Working Together USA

National

All Nepal Women’s Association (Socialist)

Associação Brasileira de Saúde Coletiva

Association Nigerienne des Scouts de l’Environnement (ANSEN)

Association pour la Conservation et la Protection des Écosystèmes des Lacs et l’Agriculture Durable 

Bangladesh Environmental Lawyers Association (BELA)

Brigada Cimarrona Sebastián Lemba.

Centro de estudios Heñói 

CLIMATE CHANGE NETWORK FOR COMMUNITY BASED INITIATIVES, INC. 

Equidad de Género: Ciudadanía, Trabajo y Familia

Food Sovereignty Alliance, India

Food Sovereignty and Climate Justice Forum/ TAFJA< Nepal

Free lanes 

Friends of the Earth Australia

Grassroots Global Justice Alliance

Grupo Temático Saúde e Ambiente da Abrasco

Indian National Trade Union Congress-INTUC

Indian Social Action Forum 

International Islamic University, Islamabad 

Iser Assessoria

Kaam Aaj

Keine Organisation

KRuHA

Lützi lebt

Monitoring Sustainability of Globalisation

National Fisheries Solidarity Movement 

National Sudanese Women Association 

Organisation Paysanne Pour lr Développement Durable

Otros Mundos Chiapas/Amigos de la Tierra México

Pakistan Fisherfolk Forum 

Palestinian Farmers Union, PFU

Participatory Development Action Program

Plataforma Boliviana Frente al Cambio Climático

Pragroshor -A Feminists Training and Resource Centre  

Roots for Equity

Secretária nacional do meio ambiente e desenvolvimento do Partido dos Trabalhadores Brasil

Skillistan 

Twaweza Community Development Agenda

Unión de Afectados por Texaco. (UDAPT)

Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar

Vikas Adhyayan Kendra

Wahana Lingkungan Hidup Indonesia (WALHI)

Women and Modern World Social Charitable Center(CWMW)

Women for Green Economy Movement Uganda

World March of Women Kenya 

YUWA

Interventions, SB58

Intervention by Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice at SB58 Closing Plenary Session

Delivered by Chadli Sadorra of Asian Peoples’ Movement on Debt and Development on behalf of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice

Thank you Chair.

I am Chadli Sadorra from the Philippines and the Asian Peoples’ Movement on Debt and Development, speaking on behalf of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice.

DCJ departs from Bonn deeply disturbed by developed countries’ doubling-down on their obstruction these past ten days.  

They are playing with peoples’ lives and livelihoods, and indeed our entire planet, as if it’s one more free trade deal to get done, and “stick it” to the Global South.  

It was thirty years ago in Rio when some countries claimed that their lifestyles were “not up for negotiation”.

Yet even today, as they choke on smoke from raging wildfires, they still reject their historical responsibility as “unacceptable”. 

North America’s 4% of the global population is responsible for almost one-quarter of all emissions since 1850.  Let me repeat, 4% is responsible for about 24%.

This crucial IPCC data point is pivotal if the Global Stocktake is to truly assess “how we got here, and how we correct course”.

Such data must be discussed in the Technical Dialogue’s synthesis report to inform the GST’s political dialogue, and any Dubai decisions.

DCJ will not let the GST become a sham.  Article 2.1c’s aim of “aligning all financial flows” is indeed important. 

But imposing a hierarchy that prioritizes this task before prior commitments – whereby developed countries SHALL provide finance to developing countries – is dirty diplomacy diverting discussion from legal obligations.  

Calling for new Renewable Energy targets without securing any new support for finance and technology is another trap we won’t fall for.

What we need for a big breakthrough in Dubai is for rich countries to “come clean” at COP28, to accept their responsibilities, to fully deliver on their obligations, and to help lead a rapid, just, and equitable phaseout of fossil fuels and building renewable energy systems that ensures everyone’s  just transition.

DCJ and allies are escalating our efforts over the next few months; we’ll make sure you feel the heat before you get to Dubai, so that the rest of the world won’t roast.

Thank you.

LAC, Press Releases, Region, SB58

Articulación global de justicia climática denuncia en Bonn la promoción de falsas soluciones y reclama el fin del extractivismo y una transición justa en América Latina y el Caribe

Desde el 5 al 15 de junio se llevó a cabo la Conferencia de Cambio Climático de Naciones Unidas en Bonn, Alemania. En el lugar convergen gobiernos, tomadores de decisiones y también activistas que de todo el mundo llegan a poner el punto de la justicia climática sobre la mesa.

La mañana de este 13 de junio, a través de una conferencia de prensa, organizaciones de la Campaña Global para Exigir Justicia Climática (DCJ, por sus siglas en inglés) de América Laina y el Caribe dieron cuenta de la “decepción y escepticismo” que les provoca el curso de estas negociaciones a lo largo de su historia. “Se han alejado de su objetivo de enfrentar realmente el cambio climático y se han visto capturadas por los intereses de las grandes corporaciones, con la complicidad de los gobiernos”, declaró Eduardo Giesen, Coordinador Regional de la Campaña Global para Exigir Justicia Climática.

Para la defensora Camila Romero, proveniente del Wallmapu, en Chile, y parte del Colectivo VientoSur, expresó que “mujeres, jóvenes, indígenas, hemos venido para denunciar que el modelo de desarrollo actual lo está destruyendo todo”. Al mismo tiempo señala que el ritmo de crecimiento económico que busca sostener el sistema capitalista está “provocando el colapso climático y civilizatorio. El cambio climático es la crisis de la sociedad de consumo”.

Silvia Ribeiro, parte del Grupo ETC que hace parte de DCJ, puso la lupa en la propuesta de nuevo marco para mercados de carbono, calificándolo como “altamente preocupante”. “Especialmente a partir del artículo 6.4, se dirige a legitimar tecnologías de geoingeniería, las cuales conllevan altos riesgos e impactos sociales y ambientales, como la captura y almacenamiento de carbono (CCS) y otras relacionadas como la captura de aire (DAC) y la bioenergía con CCS. También de geoingeniería marina, como fertilización oceánica y alcalinización de los océanos, aunque por sus altos riesgos están bajo moratoria en otros convenios de ONU”, alerta. Además, esto sería una forma de proponer tecnologías que “no existen realmente, salvo CCS que fue desarrollada por la industria petrolera para extraer reservas profundas de petróleo, que es a lo que están destinados más de 85 % de los proyectos existentes, por lo que aumentarán las emisiones y la crisis climática”.

Alternativas al extractivismo
Junto al reclamo y exigencia, viene también la propuesta. “No podemos olvidarnos de construir las alternativas. El mecanismo desvinculado del mercado de carbono debe convertirse en una opción de desarrollar acciones de respuesta desde y para las comunidades indígenas, locales y los propios ecosistemas en los diferentes frentes de impacto alrededor del mundo”, declaró desde la Plataforma Boliviana frente al Cambio Climático, Marcos Nordgren. El defensor afirma que para que lo anterior se cumpla, es “imprescindible la activa participación y consulta de las comunidades locales e indígenas en el diseño de estas nuevas herramientas y asegurar el resguardo de sus derechos y territorios, evitando la instrumentalización de estos instrumentos para profundizar las soluciones falsas del mercado de carbono.

Interventions, SB58

Intervention by Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice at Closing Plenary on Global Stocktake

Delivered by Asad Rehman from War on Want on behalf of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice.

DCJ stresses the need for the GST Technical Dialogue’s summary report to clearly reference IPCC’s scientific findings on historic responsibility, as well as various assessments showing the shortfalls in developed countries’ support to developing countries.

Recently published academic research in Nature Sustainability estimates that the economic cost of the inequitable colonization of the carbon budget by rich countries is calculated at $170 trillion which is in addition to wealth & resource extraction from the global South which from 1960 to the present day is calculated as $152 trillion. 

For this Technical Dialogue to transparently inform the GST’s key political messages going into COP28, clear data points about “where we are, and how we got here” are essential inputs to equitably “correcting course” in any Dubai decision.

Including an honest assessment of the collective failure of developed countries to meet all the implementation gaps in Mitigation, Adaptation, Loss and Damage and Means of Implementation stemming from their historical responsibility.  

The only transparent way to equitably correct course is with a “fair shares” framework to inform Parties’ future NDCs, which must not be mitigation-centric but also include sufficient grant based support for developing countries as a down payment on their climate debt.


DCJ also emphasizes the need for renewed international cooperation to
ensure a just transition for everyone to have the right to live with dignity – including debt cancellation, economic diversification support, & an end to structural inequality by transforming today’s outdated multilateral rules & institutions governing global trade, finance, investment and technology – 

To ensure an equitable phaseout of fossil fuels and scale-up of renewables alongside measures recognizing material & ecological limits with the necessary support needed for truly just transitions.

Thank you.

Interventions, SB58

Intervention by Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice at Open-ended consultation by the Incoming COP 28/CMP 18/CMA 5 Presidency

Delivered by Gadir Lavadenz on behalf of Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice

Thank you Mr/Madam Chair,

The Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice would like to stress the following:

  • An equitable and funded phase out of fossil fuels is urgently needed and COP 28 should deliver a pathway to achieve that on the timeline needed
  • Carbon markets, offsets, so called ¨nature based solutions¨ and geo engineering, which is under a de facto moratorium under the Convention on Biological Diversity, are false solutions that are unproven, risky, cause harm and only divert us from addressing the real causes of climate change. 
  • A just, equitable and rapid transition is needed but through a delivery of climate debt and public finance under the principle of CBDR. Much of what has been provided in terms of finance including from the MDBs are mainly loans, with only a small portion being grants. With more and more developing countries in debt distress, loans are not the right instrument. There is clearly a greater need for non-debt creating instruments.
  • The principle of inclusivity is meant for the marginalized groups and not for the powerful ones to be able to shape the negotiations. The world is losing faith and we need to deliver in the right direction.

A legitimate COP is a fossil fuel free COP. We must end undue influence of polluters in climate action. There is no climate justice without human rights. 

Thank you

Interventions, SB58

Intervention by Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice at SeS Joint Work

Dear Delegates, I am Enric speaking on behalf of Climate Save, Global Forest Coalition and World Animal Protection, members of the Demand Climate Justice alliance.

It is disheartening to witness the slow progress in taking action, despite the overwhelming evidence that immediate measures are necessary. 

The IPCC report is clear that if we were to halt all fossil fuel emissions immediately, the emissions originating from our food systems alone could result in a devastating increase in global temperatures, surpassing the critical threshold of 1.5 degrees Celsius. The world has demonstrated its ability to act swiftly and cohesively during the recent COVID-19 emergency. We need to channel that same sense of urgency and cooperation into addressing the negative impacts coming from the agriculture sector.

We cannot ignore the destructive practices of agribusinesses that continue to ravage our planet – such as the massive destruction to our world’s habitats caused by factory farming and its demand for animal feed. Large-scale agribusiness operations not only contribute significantly to emissions and environmental destruction, but also push away smallholders and small-scale fishers who are unable to compete, displace indigenous communities, and threaten food sovereignty. It is imperative that we address these injustices and protect the rights and livelihoods of those most affected. 

In light of this alarming reality, we urge the new joint work to prioritize the implementation of effective solutions including non-party actors in this work. False solutions such as climate smart agriculture, gene editing and so-called sustainable intensification will only serve the interests of the big polluters in the agricultural sector.

The global north should take responsibility for its historical emissions and take the lead in first reducing their animal protein production and consumption, and support the global south countries to shift towards agroecological practices and safeguard sustainable existing food systems. The global north must start by redirecting public finance to support smallholders to shift towards a just, humane and sustainable food system.

Agroecology, along with dietary shifts – as advised by the IPCC, which identified plant based proteins as having the highest mitigation potential – are urgent solutions to confront these challenges. Agroecology and dietary shifts are not just concepts; they are real and accessible solutions for our communities worldwide.

The time for action is now. We must prioritize the implementation of agroecology and truly sustainable food systems. Let us harness the lessons learned from the COVID-19 emergency and act collectively, swiftly, and decisively. 

Thank you.

SB58

SB58 CLIMATE TALKS

TWN Bonn Climate News Update No. 5

9 June 2023
Published by Third World Network

Parties provide reflections on outcome of the Global Stocktake

Bonn, 9 June (Meena Raman)- Parties had a rich exchange of views on the global stocktake (GST) during the first joint contact group convened on 7 June at the ongoing 58th session of the UNFCCC’s Subsidiary Bodies (SB58) in Bonn. They provided their reflections on what the GST decision should look like at the climate talks be held in Dubai end of the year, as well on the GST conclusions out of the SB 58 session.

Differences emerged over whether the GST outcome should assess gaps in the pre-2020 period, with the Like-Minded Developing Countries and BASIC (Brazil, South Africa, India and China) calling for inclusion of assessment of gaps in the pre-2020 period. This was however opposed by Canada. (The United States at the opening plenary of the GST had clearly said that the GST is an assessment of the collective progress in the implementation of the Paris Agreement (PA) goals and not the UNFCCC. (See TWN Update 3 ).

(At the current SB session, the technical assessment component of the first GST will conclude, with the convening of the third and last meeting of the technical dialogue, with the corresponding summary report to be published in July this year, and an overall synthesis of the summary reports to be published later in September.)

Cuba for the G77 and China said the GST outcome should be comprehensive and reflect all the thematic areas; it would be about looking backwards at implementation gaps and looking forward towards opportunities for addressing such gaps. The CMA (meeting of the Parties to the PA) decision should reflect an assessment on the progress and gaps in ambition and implementation of commitments and identify the opportunities, challenges and solutions for ambition and implementation in light of the principles and provisions of the Convention and the PA, said Cuba further.

Cuba also suggested that the joint contact group should agree on a top-level outline of the key elements of the CMA decision on the GST, which would then serve as the initial basis for further work to be undertaken intersessionally by the Parties in developing the outputs for the political consideration phase, including at the GT workshop in October and at COP28.

As part of preliminary areas in the outcome text, Cuba proposed a preamble; background/context/vision; crosscutting general assessment of collective progress; mitigation; adaptation; means of implementation; response measures; loss and damage; international cooperation; and way forward.

Cuba also suggested the Joint Contact Group should recommend to the SBs to “issue a joint call for submissions from Parties on the elements of the CMA decision, using the initial draft outline agreed at this session as the basis, and requesting Parties and non-Party stakeholders to provide their views and suggestions with respect to the substantive content based on the outline. The deadline for making submissions pursuant to this call could be in mid-August 2023 but after the publication of the factual synthesis report, with the Secretariat be requested to compile these submissions and make them available to Parties and non-Party stakeholders,” said Cuba.

Saudi Arabia for the Like-Minded Developing Countries (LMDC) highlighted the issues of pre-2020 to be at the forefront of the GST outcome. It said it is critical to respond to the mandate and ensure inclusive and comprehensive outcome. Saudi Arabia said that the LMDC sees the nature of the outcome as guided by common but differentiated responsibilities (CBDR), equity, historical responsibilities and how climate action can better synergise with poverty eradication and sustainable development.

On the types of outputs, Saudi Arabia said the CMA decision needs to be the core component and that the declaration or the annex would not be useful. On the outline of the decision, it recommended keeping it simple by looking at mandates and said it supports a preamble and context and cross cutting consideration sections. It also suggested having sections on gaps in collective progress; mitigation; adaptation; loss and damage; response measures; and international cooperation.

Zambia for the Africa group said the decision’s outline should ensure comprehensive and balanced content and comprise all thematic issues in light of equity. It also said the GST must include the pre-2020 gaps and have forward looking elements to address the gaps. Zambia stressed the importance of leaving Bonn with an agreed broad outline of the decision in COP 28.

Algeria for the Arab group said it expects the outcome of SB58 to have a top-level outline of key elements to be addressed by the decision to be adopted in Dubai. It emphasized on the need for a submission process following SB58, which would give the possibility for Parties and non-Party stakeholders to present detailed views on the elements to be addressed by the COP 28 decision, “based on the outline we agreed in Bonn”. Algeria also said that any political declaration has to reflect the views of Parties and added that it was too early to decide on whether to have a technical annex or not.

South Africa for Brazil, South Africa, India, China (BASIC) said the decision should have comprehensive messages and include messages on pre-2020. It called for the same structure and comparable outcomes for all the themes and for these to be informed by equity and CBDR. BASIC said that any mandate to the co-chairs is premature. BASIC expressed concern that Parties were transitioning to the political phase of the GST without pre-2020 and biennial reports synthesized by Annex 1 Parties. South Africa also expressed concern on the lack of balanced treatment to finance, with a disproportionate focus on Article 2.1 (c) of the PA.

Brazil for Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay (ABU) made an impassioned plea for countries to act as the United Nations and said the global Stocktake should unleash unprecedented level of international cooperation so that the international enabling environment is in place for countries to present their most ambitious nationally determined contributions (NDCs) and close the gaps. Brazil also called on countries to work on the basis of empathy, solidarity and trust.

Senegal for the Least Developed Countries (LDCs) said the GST must provide a comprehensive assessment and a pathway forward concerning adaptation, mitigation, including response measures, loss and damage, and means of implementation and support. It must offer clear guidance to countries on enhancing NDCs to keep the 1.5°C limit within reach. Additionally, it should promote actions, support, and enhanced international cooperation for climate action. It expressed concern on the way loss and damage continued to be considered only under adaptation, which undermined the “recognition given to loss and damage in the PA”. On the outcome, Senegal said that there should be a CMA decision with a technical annex, followed by a political declaration or a cover decision.

Trinidad and Tobago for the Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS) said the GST outcome should provide policy direction to course correct in areas where insufficient levels of ambition and needs of most vulnerable were not addressed. It said that the process and outcome must be both a backward looking as well as forward looking assessment of measures. The AOSIS said the outcome should include a political declaration, a CMA decision and a technical annex. It said the CMA decision should have a section on the way forward, which would invite Parties to explain how the GST has informed their NDC update once it is submitted in 2025 and that the decision must look at crosscutting issues including equity and best available science, progress and gaps, the role of non-Party stakeholders. It also said that it would like to see loss and damage treated separately from adaptation.

Colombia for the Alliance of Latin America and the Caribbean (AILAC) said the GST outcomes must be comprehensive and reflect equity and best available science and should provide a state of how “off-track” Parties are from the goal.

China stressed historical emissions of developed countries and pre-2020 gaps are important considerations for the GST. The GST should make substantive assessment and address gaps on adaptation and means of implementation and an ambitious outcome of the GST should focus on implementation and delivery of ambition, said China. “Empty numerical targets won’t get us anywhere,” said China, adding that the outcome of the GST should be a Party-driven, consensus based on the question of whether there should be a declaration or not, it said it is important to decide how to differentiate the content of the political declaration from the decision. It said an annex is beyond the mandate. The outline of the decision should reflect a balanced presentation of substantive assessment of progress and gaps and have sections on mitigation, adaptation, loss and damage, means of implementation and international cooperation, said China and added that there should be no reference to any sectoral approach. It also said within each thematic area, the structure should be comparable and identical and equity and science should be considered holistically instead of being segregated. It added that the formats, outline and the substantive elements are all interlinked and should be finalised as a packaged at COP 28.

The European Union said the conclusions from the SB 58 should have an introduction section, a section on technical dialogue, calls for submissions from Parties with a deadline of end of August. On the structure of the outcome at COP 28, it said they foresee a structure which includes sections on assessing collective progress toward long-term goals of the PA; high level response comprising political messages; opportunity for enhanced action and support along with new political commitments; thematic areas; guidance for NDC and long-term strategies, among others; and a final follow up section.

The United Kingdom said there must be a roadmap of actions across mitigation, adaptation and means of implementation, setting out “forward-looking commitments”, including in relevant sectors. It said it is open to considering how to reflect loss and damage and response measures in the decision.

Switzerland for the Environment Integrity Group (EIG) said that the elements of the conclusions from SB58 should include recognition of importance of GST for collective progress; confirm the closure of the technical dialogue process; call for submissions ahead of the October session and for the Secretariat to produce a synthesis of the submissions. Switzerland also said that the COP 28 outcome must include overarching reflections on progress and scale of challenge as well as be a transformational roadmap comprising information on ways of assessing gaps, ways of closing gaps. It suggested that issues of response measures and loss and damage could be included in a crosscutting chapter and there should be specific section in the decision on updating and enhancing NDCs and on international cooperation. It said the outcome should contain a chapter on way forward, comprising how Parties and non-Parties will implement the GST outcome, provide guidance to the UN Summit. Switzerland also requested the co-chairs to prepare an informal note capturing the discussions in the room.

Australia spoke to the structure of the outcome and said it should contain a preamble and have sections on assessment of progress corresponding to the global goals of the PA and under each of the sections, description of progress, gaps and commitments to close the gaps. It also suggested having a section on enhancing international cooperation as well as next steps.

The United States also spoke along the lines of the structure proposed by Australia. Canada said it does not support an assessment of pre-2020 implementation in the CMA decision.

Interventions, SB58

Intervention by Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice at Roundtable on Means of Implementation at TED 1.3

Delivered by Meena Rama, Third World Network on behalf of ENGO – DCJ

There is a clear need for an honest assessment of the lack of adequate progress on the moi, without beating around the bush. We talk of raising ambition on climate actions, but we do not see the reciprocal ambition on the means of implementation for developing countries.

There is evidence to indicate the following:

  1. Developed countries have collectively failed in meeting their commitments on the provision and mobilisation of the financial resources that have been agreed to. This is borne out by –
    • The failure to mobilise the US$ 100 billion per year by 2020 and even up till now. While the numbers of what exactly has been mobilised and delivered vary in the SCF reports, the fact of failure to meet this commitment in a timely manner is loud and clear. This is a pre-2020 implementation gap which has been carried over to the pre-2025 timeframe.
    • This 100b goal is not based on the needs of developing countries but was a political number arrived at in Copenhagen, as we all know.
    • The SCF’s Needs Determination Report clearly indicates that what is needed at least in the pre-2030 timeframe is around $ 5-11 trillion, even with only 30% of the costs estimated in the NDCs of developing countries. Hence, the needs far outweigh what is currently available.
  2. Even the promise to deliver on the doubling of adaptation finance is far from what is needed, as seen from the various reports from various UN agencies.
  3. The Green Climate Fund and the Adaptation Fund are languishing for funds, as numerous projects in the pipelines are not able to be funded.
  4. Much of what has been provided including from the MDBs are mainly loans, with only a small portion being grants. With more and more developing countries in debt distress, loans are not the right instrument. There is clearly a greater need for non-debt creating instruments.
  5. Access to funds have not been easy to the limited funds available at the operating entities of the financial mechanism – the GCF and the GEF – with cumbersome procedures and slow disbursements. Intermediaries have largely been international entities as opposed to direct access entities from developing countries.
  6. The much hype about private finance and investment flows into developing countries. According to the SCF technical report on the 100b mobilisation report, the expectation for private finance mobilization has been severely an underperformance. The World Bank’s own ‘Scaling Solar’ project to try and leverage private finance for renewable energy projects only managed to leverage 28c private finance for every 1$ of public finance, and only with the support of generous guarantees, tax breaks and subsidies.
  7. Furthermore, access to low-cost finance is uneven as the cost of capital differs substantially between regions, with developing countries often paying an interest rate many times more to private creditors than other official creditors.[1]
  8. From recent IEA report on energy, the high cost of capital and rising borrowing costs threaten to undercut the economic attractiveness for investments in clean energy in developing countries, and that most of the positive trends in clean energy investments are leaving developing countries behind
  9. There are also studies which show that while international financial institutions (IFIs) have made progress, for example with increased climate financing and coordination from Multilateral Development Banks (MDBs), a Special Drawing Rights (SDR) allocation in 2021, and a new Resilient and Sustainability Trust (RST) from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), but IFIs have also been slow to release their financial firepower to meet the demonstrated need,[2] and continue to prioritise de-risking modalities which have little evidence of success. 
  10. There are genuine concerns over use of Article 2.1c as a way to impose new conditionalities for accessing finance in the name of enabling environments and to shift the burden and responsibility onto developing countries, contrary to article 9 of the PA. Should not make it difficult for developing c to access finance for meeting their NDC implementation.

Technology gap –

  1. In the area of climate technologies and their accessibility and transfer from developed to developing countries, progress has been insignificant and abysmal. This reality is clear. 
  2. There is indeed a technology gap which needs to be addressed for climate technologies to developing countries. There is evidence that there are intellectual property rights concerns where developed countries dominate in climate technologies patent ownership, production and trade.
  3. There are reports including from UNEP, UNCTAD and WIPO that show the dominance of developed countries in relation to low-carbon technological innovations. But these are missing in the assessment. Between 1990-2015, 80% of all low-carbon technological inventions were concentrated in developed countries. The fact that most patents for climate-relevant technologies are in developed countries has significant implications on technology transfer possibilities, as the design and use of such technologies may not be directly responsive to the needs of developing countries.
  4. These implementation gaps in finance and technologies will be further   exacerbated by developed countries’ carbon border measures and unilateral trade measures including non-tariff barriers that grossly disadvantage developing countries.  The implications of CBMs is missing in relation to the response measures.
  5. We are good in this process of setting up institutions but real delivery of the moi for delivering is not significant.

If the GST is to have meaning, it must address these gaps and challenges, not repeat the failures and mistakes and dramatically course correct. If there is political will, there will be a way. Need to see that will to realise the hopes and aspirations of esp. of the poor and the planet.

[1] Eurodad, 2021. Sleep now in the fire: Sovereign Bonds and the Covid-19 Debt Crisis. https://www.eurodad.org/sovereign_bonds_covid19;

[2] An Independent Review of Multilateral Development Banks’ Capital Adequacy Frameworks, 2022. Boosting MDBs’ investing capacity. https://g20.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/07/CAF-Review-Report.pdf